The Archive of the Romanian Revolution of December 1989

A Catch-22 December 1989, Groundhog-Day Production. Presenting the Personal Research & Scholarship of Richard Andrew Hall, Ph.D.

Archive for the ‘decembrie 1989’ Category

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #15 Sibiu, the Fiefdom of Nicolae Ceausescu’s son Nicu Continues/Initiates the Counterrevolution

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 23, 2014

(purely personal views based on two decades of prior research and publications)

(punct de vedere STRICT PERSONAL, va multumesc)

decembrie 1989, CC-ul, si Sibiu: Dan Voinea, Corneliu Pircalabescu, si Ilie Ceausescu v. Aurel Dragomir si Victor Stanculescu

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/12/20/colonel-ion-baciu-pe-20-12-89-la-orele-1010-la-crematoriu-a-venit-lt-col-voinea-danpe-care-l-cunosc-intrucit-inaintea-lucrat-la-departmentul-securitatii-statului-directia-cercetar/

By far, some of the worst, most disgusting (Securitate-inspired or Securitate-serving) revisionism is in connection, not by accident, with Sibiu, Nicu Ceausescu’s fiefdom.  An admittedly, below, scattershot compendium of my previous writings/posts on Sibiu (apologies for the dezordine si haos!)!

Both of the previous two above videos posted on youtube by Tioluciano

“Cuvinte pentru Gloante III (Sibiu),” Colonel Gh. Vaduva,  nr. 21 (76) 22-28 mai 1991, “Armata Romaniei”

dupa 15:00 22 decembrie 1989

“S-a mai tras?”

Cpt. Cristian Teodorescu:

Nu.  Dar in momentul cind noi am tras focul de avertisment au fost raniti doi tinerei.  In nici un caz de focurile noastre.  Gloantele au venit din spate, nu din directia noastra si nici de sus.  Unuia dintre ei i-a explodat in umar.  Veneau oameni la mine si imi spuneau ‘La mine in pod este cineva de doua zile.  Mi-a fost frica sa urc sa vad ce-i acolo.”

Dan Mititi, elevul:

S-a tras din toate punctuale asupra scolii…Eu am adunat plutonul din coada care se retrasera in cazarma, au trecut pe platou (?) unde erau retinuti trei indivizi in salopete si cu cite doua pistole si mi-am dus cu elevii in dormitor.  Nu s-a tras intimplator, ci ochit si foarte precis.

In batalion am avut un mort si 14 raniti.  Din fericire, cei raniti au fost recuperati.  Se trageau cu un anumit fel de gloante.  Am adunat multe gloante din acelea.  Le-am dat comisi de procurori.  Au disparut.  Ca multe alte probe.

 

Dan Badea, “Secretele Revolutiei,” Expres, nr. 22 (7-13 iunie 1994), pp. 8-9

“Secretele Revolutiei” (Dan Badea, Expres, 7-13 iunie 1994)

from Orwellian…Positively Orwellian (2006)

Lt. Col. Aurel Dragomir, former commander of the “Nicolae Balcescu” Military Officers School in Sibiu, described in 1994 those killed as “terrorists” in Sibiu in December 1989:

…On the morning of 22 December…I was informed that on the rooftops there were some suspicious persons.  I saw 2-3 people in black jumpsuits.  The Militia told me that they weren’t their people.  At noon there appeared 10 to 15 people in black jumpsuits who opened massive gunfire on the crowds and soldiers. I ordered them to respond with fire.  I headed to the infirmary—the reserve command site, and col. Pircalabescu [head of the Patriotic Guards] called and asked me “why was there gunfire?”  I told him we were being attacked.  He told me to cease fire.  Ilie Ceausescu [Ceausescu’s brother, and an Army General] told me to surrender.  I slammed the telephone down.  Then [Army General] Stanculescu called.  I told him that we are under attack. Stanculescu said to me:  ‘Defend yourselves!’….The attackers had on black jumpsuits under which they had on civilian clothes….Weapons and ammunition that weren’t in the arsenal of the Army were found, guns with silencers were found, that aren’t in the Army’s arsenal….After the events declarations given to the investigating commissions disappeared, notebooks filled with the recordings of officers on duty (ofiterii de serviciu), and a map that noted from which houses gunfire came. The dead who were in jumpsuits and had several layers of clothing were identified:  they were cadre from the Sibiu Interior Ministry (Militia and Securitate)…. (“black jumpsuits” emphases and “weapons and ammunition…” emphasis added; rest in original)[57]

Armata Poporului, “Sub tirul incrucisat…(II)” interviu cu Aurel Dragomir, nr. 46, noiembrie 1990 p. 3.

Finally, in this context, the comments of a Codrut H. in July 1990 about what he and other civilians found when they occupied Securitate headquarters in Brasov on the night of 22 December:  “What appeared suspicious to me was that the Securitate there appeared to have been prepared [for something]….  Out front of the building there was a white ARO [automobile] in which there were complete antiterrorist kits [emphasis added].” What else did the civilians find there?…combinezoane negre. [58]

Sibiu, 19-22 December 1989

In Sibiu, Siani-Davies tells us:

Controversy also continues to surround a commercial TAROM flight, which is alleged to have brought up to eighty USLA troops from Bucharest to Sibiu on December 20, 1989.  It is not clear if the USLA forces were actually on the airplane, or, even if they were, what they actually did in Sibiu…[Serban] Sandulescu (c1996), 57-58…suggests they were not members of USLA but the DIA [Army’s Intelligence Unit].[151]

From the standpoint of Siani-Davies’ unsuspecting reader such a conclusion may seem not only credible, but judicious.  But one of Siani-Davies’ habits—identified negatively by even those who praise the book—is his tendency to draw negative equivalencies:  i.e. there is about as much evidence to support x as there is to support y, in order to disprove or discount both propositions.  In a review, Doris Mironescu writes:

“Very common are claims such as the following:  ‘Finding the proof to sustain such an explanation of the events [that the Army’s Intelligence arm, the DIA simulated the “terrorist diversion,” to permit the Front’s takeover and a possible Warsaw Pact invasion of the country] is as difficult as proving that special units of the securitate took up arms against the revolution’ (p. 154).  Mutually contradictory hypotheses are invoked in order to negate each other, not so much because of the weight of the claims, but through the ideological similarity of both.”[152]

This tendency definitely affects Siani-Davies’ analysis of the “terrorists” and its accuracy.  To begin with, in the very book (Sandulescu) invoked by Siani-Davies, the head of the DIA (Battalion 404 Buzau), Rear Admiral Stefan Dinu, is quoted as having told the Gabrielescu commission investigating the December events (of which Sandulescu was a member) that “we hardly had 80 fighters in this battalion.”[153] It is known that 41 of them were in Timisoara from the morning of 18 December and only returned to their home base in Buzau on 22 December.[154] This makes it highly unlikely that they were on the 20 December TAROM flight to Sibiu that is in question.[155]

Contrast this with the signs that exist pointing to the mystery passengers as having been from the Securitate/Interior Ministry, in particular the USLA.  Nicu Silvestru, chief of the Sibiu County Militia, admitted in passing in a letter from prison that on the afternoon of 19 December 1989, in a crisis meeting, Nicolae Ceausescu’s son, Nicu, party head of Sibiu County, announced that he was going to “call [his] specialists from Bucharest” to take care of any protests.[156] Ceausescu’s Interior Minister, Tudor Postelnicu, admitted at his trial in January 1990 that Nicu had called him requesting “some troops” and he had informed Securitate Director General Iulian Vlad of the request.[157] If they were, indeed, DIA personnel, why would Nicu have called Postelnicu, and Postelnicu informed Vlad of the request—would such a request not have been relayed through the Defense Minister?

The first two military prosecutors for Sibiu, Anton Socaciu and Marian Valer, identified the passengers as USLA.  Even Nicu Ceausescu admits that this was the accusation when he stated in August 1990:

“…[T]he Military Prosecutor gave me two variants. In the first part of the inquest, they [the flight’s passengers] were from the Interior Ministry. Later, however, in the second half of the investigation, when the USLA and those from the Interior Ministry began, so-to-speak, to pass ‘into the shadows,’ – after which one no longer heard anything of them – they [the passengers] turned out to be simple citizens…”[158]

Beginning, at least as early as August 1990, with the allusions of Major Mihai Floca, and later seemingly indirectly confirmed by former USLA officer Marian Romanescu, it was suggested that when USLA Commander Ardeleanu was confronted at the Defense Ministry on the night of 23/24 December 1989, Ardeleanu reportedly admitted that “30 were on guard at [various] embassies, and 80 had been dispatched to Sibiu with a Rombac [aircraft] from 20 December 1989 upon ‘orders from on-high’.”[159] Finally, and along these lines, we bring things full circle—and recall our “phantoms in black” again in the process—with the testimony of Army officer Hortopan to the same Serban Sandulescu at the Gabrielescu Commission hearings:

Sandulescu:  About those dressed in black jumpsuits do you know anything, do you have any information about whom they belonged to?

 

Hortopan:  On the contrary.  These were the 80 uslasi sent by the MI [Interior Ministry], by General Vlad and Postelnicu to guard Nicolae Ceausescu [i.e. Nicu].  I make this claim because Colonel Ardelean[u] in front of General Militaru, and he probably told you about this problem, at which I was present when he reported, when General Militaru asked him how many men he had in total and how many were now present, where each of them was:  out of which he said that 80 were in Sibiu based on an order from his commanders.  Thus, it is natural that these are who they were.[160]

Bringing us up to the morning of 22 December 1989, and setting the stage for what was to come, Lt. Col. Aurel Dragomir told the Army daily in November 1990:

Dragomir:  Events began to develop quickly on 22 December.  In the morning some of the students posted in different parts of the town began to observe some suspect individuals in black jumpsuits on the roofs in the lights of the attics of several buildings.

 

Reporter:  The same equipment as the USLAsi killed out front of the Defense Ministry…

 

Dragomir:  And on the roof of the Militia building there were three or four similar individuals…[161]

Of course, the fact that these individuals were posted on the top of the Militia building on this morning, speaks volumes in itself about their affiliation.  Indeed, in a written statement dated 28 January 1990, Ioan Scarlatescu, (Dir. Comm. Jud. Sibiu), admitted that he was asked by the Army on that morning if the unknown individuals “could be from the USLA?”[162]

Armata Romaniei, “N-am nimic de ascuns,” nr. 22 (233), 1-7 iunie 1994, p. 7.

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.wordpress.com/2010/11/19/les-souterrains-de-bucarest-ja2-20h-27121989-01min55s/

 

related:

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/11/22/the-myths-of-a-revolution-it-is-said-that-these-enemy-elements-the-securisti-have-poisoned-the-water-in-sibiu-in-timisoarathe-water-must-be-boiled-before-being-consumed-apa-este-o/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/08/16/final-boarding-call-for-taroms-special-rombac-service-from-bucuresti-to-sibiu-would-the-large-party-of-suspicious-soviet-tourists-please-report-to-the-gate-immediately-iv/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/08/14/final-boarding-call-for-taroms-special-rombac-service-from-bucuresti-to-sibiu-would-the-large-party-of-suspicious-soviet-tourists-please-report-to-the-gate-immediately-ii-2/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/08/11/final-boarding-call-for-taroms-special-rombac-service-from-bucuresti-to-sibiu-would-the-large-party-of-suspicious-soviet-tourists-please-report-to-the-gate-immediately-ii/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/08/10/final-boarding-call-for-taroms-special-rombac-service-from-bucuresti-to-sibiu-would-the-large-party-of-suspicious-soviet-tourists-please-report-to-the-gate-immediately-i/

 

IATA DE CE N-A INTELES GORBACIOV PROVOCAREA ‘SUBTILA’ SI ‘MINUNATA’ A LUI GRIGORE CARTIANU DE LA ADEVARUL…DOVADA CLAR CA HABAR N-ARE NICI NASUL DE LA BASE1TV RADU MORARU NICI GRIGORE CARTIANU DESPRE IDENTITATEA REALA A ‘TURISTILOR RUSI’ IN DECEMBRIE 1989

http://www.adevarul.ro/actualitate/eveniment/Nasul-_Intrebari_incomode_pentru_Gorbaciov_0_244176088.html

http://www.adevarul.ro/grigore_cartianu/Iliescu_si_Gorbaciov_7_244245575.html

http://www.adevarul.ro/actualitate/eveniment/O_enigma-_-Avionul_ROMBAC_0_244176081.html

Revine in actualitate faimoasa, mult-vestita “geanta diplomat” cu pistolul gasita in Sibiu in decembrie 1989…ha ha ha, fraieri, spun majoritatea romanilor–sau asa se pare–TVR-ul, armata, si ziarele de atunci au facut mare caz de aceasta misterioasa “geanta diplomat” pentru a intari “dezinformarea” cruda despre “asa-zisii teroristi” care toata lumea cu bunul simt stie acum n-au existat deloc…totul a fost diversiune…si in plus “s-a dovedit” ca “pistolul din geanta diplomat” a fost tras numai o singura data si nu in decembrie 1989…si, in sfarsit, problema este ca nu mai exista “proba” aceasta la procuratura militara (nici documentele despre cazul)…care insemna ca nu exista oficial…si, de aceea, poate ca n-a existat niciodata, dle…

Bine, deci sa incepem cu cea mai noua mentiune a cazului de fata:

http://www.adevarul.ro/actualitate/eveniment/Revolutia_de_la_Sibiu-_goana_dupa_teroristi_0_240576502.html

Pentru a scăpa cu viaţă, cadrele MI rămase în cele două sedii se adăpostiseră la subsolul Miliţiei, ­abandonându-şi armamentul şi muniţia în fişetele din birouri. Imediat după încetarea focurilor (în jurul orei 16.30), mai mulţi civili aflaţi în zonă au pătruns în sediul Miliţiei, unde au devastat birourile şi ­s-au înarmat cu pistoalele-mitralieră pe care le-au găsit în res­pectivele încăperi. „Dintr-un dulap tip rastel eu am luat o geantă diplomat în care se afla un mecanism cu pistol”, a declarat Frohlich Adolf Horst, unul dintre civilii pătrunşi în incintă, atunci când a fost audiat de Procuratura Militară pentru „Dosarul Revoluţiei”.

http://www.jurnalul.ro/stire-decembrie-89/enigmele-neelucidate-ale-revolutiei-sibiene-528001.html

ANCHETA
La scurt timp după restabilirea liniştii, cercetarea evenimentelor de la Sibiu a fost preluată de anchetatorii Parchetului Militar Braşov, conduşi de către procurorul Socaciu. Revoluţionarul Ioan Nemeş ne-a declarat că în acea perioadă a adunat tot felul de gloanţe din zidurile caselor în care s-a tras, precum şi părţi componente ale unor puşti cu lunetă, găsite prin poduri. Alţi localnici afirmă că mai multe simulatoare de foc, găsite în imobilele amplasate în jurul unor unităţi militare, au fost predate comisiei de anchetă, conduse de acelaşi Socaciu.

Tot acolo s-a predat şi o ciudată geantă diplomat în interiorul căreia era mascat un revolver cu care se putea deschide focul în mod discret. Imaginea acelui dispozitiv a apărut în mai multe ziare. După doi ani, anchetatorii au anunţat că toate aceste probe, alături de mai multe declaraţii de martor, au dispărut fără urmă şi nu au mai fost găsite niciodată.

NUMAI CA E FOARTE INTERESANT SA NE AMINTIM CINE AU CALATORIT CU SI AU ADUS IN SIBIU “GENTI DIPOMATI” IN ACESTE ZILE:  USLASII (“turisti rusi”) COMANDATI DE CATRE PRINTISORUL, NICU CEAUSESCU, CARE AU VENIT CU ROMBAC-UL IN SEARA DE 20 DECEMBRIE 1989:

Monica N. Marginean:  Sa revenim la datele concrete ale regiei de care vorbeam anterior.  Cum arata, de pilda, povestea atit de dezbatuta la procesul lui Nicu Ceausescu a cursei ROMBAC, daca o privim din perspectiva Comisiei de ancheta?

fostul procuror Marian Valer:  In mod normal, cursa de avion Bucuresti-Sibiu trebuia sa decoleze de pe aeroportul Baneasa, la orele 17,10 folosindu-se pe acest traseu avioane marca Antonov.  In dupa-amiaza zilei de 20 decembrie, insa, in jurul orelor 17, deci in apropierea orei prevazute pentru decolarea cursei obisnuite, pasagerii pentru Sibiu au fost invitati si dusi la Aeroportul Otopeni unde au fost imbarcati intr-un avion marca ROMBAC care a decolat in jurul orelor 18,30 si a aterizat pe aeroportul Sibiu in jur de ora 19.  Fac precizarea ca in dupa-amiaza aceleiasi zile, cu aproape 2 ore inaintea decolarii acestei curse, a aterizat pe aeroportul Otopeni avionul prezidential cu care Ceausescu s-a reintors din Iran. Conform datelor furnizate de agentia TAROM Bucuresti, in avionul respectiv spre Sibiu au fost imbarcati 81 pasageri.  In radiograma cursei sint consemnate domiciile doar la o parte din pasageri, cu mentiunea ca unele sint incomplete, lipsind fie localitatea, fie strada, fie numarul, iar la restul pasagerilor figureaza doar mentiunile ,rezervat’ sau Pasaport RSR.  In urma investigatiilor efectuate, au putut fi identificati doar 44 de pasageri, majoritatea avind domiciliul in municipul si judetul Sibiu, stabilindu-se ca au fost persoane trimise in delegatie la foruri tutelare din capitala, sau studenti plecati in vacanta, iar citiva domiciliati in judetul Alba.  Mentionez ca asupra acestor persoane nu planeaza nici un dubiu.  Dubiile sint create insa in primul rind de faptul ca mai multi pasageri figureaza cu domiciliul in municipiul Bucuresti, dar in realitate nu domiciliaza la adresele consemnate, iar la unele adrese sint intreprinderi.  Un alt element creator de dubii il constituie prezenta in avionul respectiv a unui inspector de la Departmentul Aviatiei Civile, cu numele de Nevrozeanu, care nu figureaza pe lista pasagerilor si cu privire la care s-a stabilit ca, in trecut, se deplasa cu avionul in cazuri speciale doar pe relatia Moscova, fiind un bun cunoscator al limbii ruse.  Mai multi pasageri sustin ca in partea dreapta din fata a avionului au sesizat un grup de barbati, mai inalti, atletici, imbracati sportiv, multi dintre ei fiind blonzi, grup care li s-a parut suspect.  Aceste afirmatii se coroboreaza cu faptul ca in zona respectiva a avionului nu a stat nici unul din pasagerii identificati.  Mai mult, verificindu-se la hotelurile din municipiul Sibiu persoane care aveau numele celor 37 de persoane neidentificate, s-a constatat ca doar un pasager neidentificat care figureaza pe listele TAROM-ului cu domiciliul in municipiul Bucuresti, care nu exista la adresa respectiva din localitate, a fost cazat la hotelul Bulevard, dar in registrul de evidenta figureaza cu un alt domiciliu din Bucuresti.  Ambele domicilii, si cei din diagrama TAROM si cel de la hotel sint false.  Cu ocazia acelorasi verificari s-a constatat ca in perioada respectiva in hotelurile din Sibiu au fost cazati multi turisti sovietici, in special la Imparatul Romanilor, Continental, si Bulevard, situate in zona centrala a municipiului.  Fac mentiunea ca din hotelurile respective s-a tras asupra manifestantilor si a armatei. Am omis sa precizez ca pe aeroportul Otopeni, in avionul ROMBAC au fost incarcate sute de colete identice ca format, dimensiuni si culoare, de marime apropriata unei genti diplomat, precum si ca, cu citeva minute inaintea decolarii cursei spre Sibiu, de pe acelasi aeroport au decolat curse ROMBAC spre Timisoara si Arad. Consider ca, in legatura cu pasagerii neidentificati, sint posibile doua versiuni, respectiv sa fie au fost luptatorii U.S.L.A. trimisi in sprijinul lui Nicu Ceausescu, fie au fost agenti sovietici trimisi sa actioneze in scopul rasturnarii regimului Ceausescu.

Monica N. Marginean:  Ce alte demersuri a facut Comisia de ancheta pentru elucidarea misterului celor 37 de pasageri neidentificati?

Marian Valer:  Am luat contact cu unul din loctiitorii comandamentului trupelor U.S.L.A. din capitala, caruia i-am solicitat sa-mi puna la dispozitie pe cei trei insotitori U.S.L.A. ai avionului ROMBAC.  Loctiitorul mi-a spus ca acestia au fost audiati de un procuror militar si nu mai este de acord sa fie audiati inca o data.

Monica M. Maginean:  “MARIAN VALER:  Asistam la ingroparea Revolutiei,” Expres nr. 33, septembrie 1990, p. 2.


 

Monica N. Marginean, “MARIAN VALER:  Asistam la ingroparea Revolutiei,” Expres, nr. 33 (septembrie 1990), p. 2.

Sa continuam dialogul inceput acum citeva saptamini prin limpezirea unor aspecte din evenimentele lui decembrie 1989 la Sibiu, aspecte pe care dubla calitate de procuror si membru al Comisiei de ancheta va impiedicau sa le dati publicitatii.  Deci, de fapt, ce a putut afla, in ciuda obstructiilor si piedicilor de tot felul, fostul procuror Marian Valer, despre implicarea unor elemente ale fostei securitati si militii in evenimentele singeroase din Sibiu?

In urma anchetelor desfasurate la Sibiu, rezulta ca la data evenimentelor din decembrie 1989, organele Ministerului de Interne aveau adoptate doua planuri de actiune in cazul aparitiei unei defectiuni antiregim sub forma revoltei sau manifestatiei anti-ceausiste ale populatiei, ori sub forma unei tentative de lovitura de stat militara.  Astfel, in primul rind, pe baza ordinului ministrului de interne nr. 02600/1988, la data respectiva functia sus mentionata fiind detinuta de Tudor Postelnicu, ordin emis ca urmare a manifestatiilor anticeausiste de la Brasov, din 15 noiembrie 1987, s-a adoptat la nivelul Inspectoratului judetean Sibiu al M.I. un plan unic de actiune si interventie in cazul unor manifestatii, in care urmau sa fie implicate securitatea, militia, trupele de securitate si cele de pompieri din cadrul Ministerului de Interne.  Intr-o asemenea eventualitate, un rol deosebit urmau sa detina plutoane de interventie special constituite, respectiv plutoantele Scutul, Soimii si U.S.L.A.  In al doilea rind, in urma investigatiilor efectuate a rezultat ca organele M.I. mai aveau un plan secret de actiune impotriva unitatilor Ministerului Apararii in cazul unei tentative de lovitura de stat militara sau a altei atitudini antiregim a armatei.  Probabil ca acest plan era in conexiune cu planul Z-Z, la care facea referire Ion Dinca in cazul procesului sau si care consta in acorduri secrete incheiate de Ceausescu cu 5 state arabe pentru acordarea de asistenta militara directa in cazul unui puci militar in Romania.  In acest sens, in timpul evenimentelor din decembrie 1989 din Sibiu, armata a gasit o harta cu casele conspirative ale Securitatii din jurul unitatilor militare din municipiu, in care urmau sa fie plasate cadre de securitate care sa actioneze impotriva  acestora, in eventualitatea dezicerii armatei de regimul ceausist.  In urma investigatiilor efectuate, s-a constatat ca din asemenea case s-a actionat cu foc asupra unor unitati militare, incepind cu dupa-amiaza zilei de 22 decembrie 1989, deci dupa rasturnarea dictaturii.  S-a mai constatat ca, in general, in casele respective locuiau foste cadre de securitate sau militie, care se pensionsera sau trecusera in rezerva, sau informatori al securitatii, precum si ca, dupa inceperea manifestatiilor anticeausiste la Sibiu, la casele respective au intrat autoturisme care aveau numere de inmatriculare din alte judete, de exemplu Constanta, Iasi, Bacau.  Astfel asupra U.M. 01512, s-a tras din imobilul nr. 7 din str. Stefan cel Mare, situat vis-a-vis de pavilionul central ai acesteia, in care locuiau familii ale unui fost comandant al securitatii din Sibiu si un informator al securitatii, precum si din imobilele situate in str. Moscovei, paralela cu unitatea militara.  Asupra U.M. 1606, s-a tras din imobilul cu nr. 47 de pe str. Moldoveanu, in care locuiau un fost sef al militiei judetului Sibiu, iar asupra U.M. 01080 s-a tras din vila Branga, de pe Calea Dumbravii, in care locuia cu familia un mare crescator de oi, precum si din vila unui medic.  A mai rezultat ca locatarii imobilelor respective au lipsit de la domiciliu in timpul evenimentelor, parasindu-le cu citeva zile in prealabil, precum si ca in unele din aceste case nu s-au gasit urme de mobilier sau de obiecte casnice.  Harta caselor conspirative ale securitatii si militiei a ajuns in posesia locotenent-colonelului Dragomir, comandantul garnizoanei Sibiu, dar acesta, fiind solicitat sa o depuna la comisia de ancheta, a motivat ca nu o mai gaseste.

UN REVOLUTIONAR SIBIEN DESPRE ISPRAVA USLASILOR IN ZILELE ACESTE:

Re: @ REVOLUTIA SIBIU 1989 @
« Reply #623 on: March 11, 2010, 14:16:55 PM »

Acesti emanati, aceste lichele, nu-si puteau face jocurile, acapararea puterii totale, precum si inaintasii lor Dej si Ceausescu, decat prin forta represiunii armate. Parte din armata a reactionat pasnic, datorita onor ofitzeri care au dovedit mai multa logica, parte din armata a jucat rolul de dusman al romanilor. La Sibiu, avem tot mai multe date care intaresc teoria ca Dragomir a fost teroristul Nr. 1 in acele zile, ajutat si de grupul USLA trimis de la Bucuresti la Sibiu, pentru protectia lui NC, si care s-au reantors la “locul faptei” dupa ce l-a pus pe Nicu in siguranta. Ei au fost aceia care au comis executiile din Piatza Mare in ziua de 21 decembrie ora 11,45 cu primele victime ucise sau ranite. Au fost repartizati in patru puncte ale pietii: In podul Casei Albastre, in podul actualei Primarii, in podul de deasupra Tunelului Generalului si in podul de deasupra magazinului Moda. De aici, au deschis foc inspre demonstranti. Au deschis foc si pe data de 22 decembrie inspre hotelul Imparatul Romanilor din acelasi pod de deasupra Tunelului Generalului care avea corespondent cu celelalte poduri dinspre magazinul Covorul. Aceste grupe ale USLA nu aveau insemne de grad sau arma, nu purtau boneta militara si aveau la dispozitie doua microbuze ale unitatii 01512 care i-a transportat in tot acest timp. Un grup al USLA era incepand din ziua de 21 decembrie ora 07 la sediul Judetenei de partid, ocupand garajul din curtea din sapate cu munitie si armament special. Se poate descoperi foarte repede, numele persoanelor care au fost trimise la SIBIU cu Rombacul in dupa-amiaza zilei de 20 decembrie, ca urmare a convorbirilor indelungate purtate de Nicu si Bucuresti, despre demonstratia anuntata pentru dimineata zilei de 21 decembrie de la Mag Dumbrava. In timpul convorbirii telefonice, in biroul lui Nicu se afla Traian Popsa, fostul director de la IJIM Sibiu, maiorul Dragomir, seful Garzilor judetene Pescaru, secretar al CJPCR Sibiu si Niculae Hurubean, prim secretar la Alba care se afla in trecere prin Sibiu. Aceste trupe USLA au purtat alternativ, combinezoane negre, uniforma militara sau haine civile…
Lovitura de stat cu spectatori, cum zice Cornel Dinu, a functionat atata timp cat au avut nevoie pentru a pune mana pe putere acesti derbedei bolsevici-kaghebisti.
Interesant, si semnificativ, chiar daca saitul acesta (http://securitatea.100free.com/documente/diplomat.htm) incearca sa-i scapa pe securisti basme curate  , recunoaste ca geanta dipomat a fost…folosita de catre USLA “in misiune de insotire”:

Celebra “arma secreta” a securitatii din Sibiu, de care au facut atata caz inclusiv cei de la procuratura militara, era de fapt un simplu pistolet introdus intr-o geanta tip diplomat, folosit de catre cei de la USLA in misiuni de insotire. “Inventie” pur romaneasca, pistoletul avea adaptat un mecanism, care il facea utilizabil printr-o simpla apasare intr-un anume loc al manerului.

 

Cazul SIBIU

Monica N. Marginean, “MARIAN VALER:  Asistam la ingroparea Revolutiei,” Expres, nr. 33 (septembrie 1990), p. 2.

Sa continuam dialogul inceput acum citeva saptamini prin limpezirea unor aspecte din evenimentele lui decembrie 1989 la Sibiu, aspecte pe care dubla calitate de procuror si membru al Comisiei de ancheta va impiedicau sa le dati publicitatii.  Deci, de fapt, ce a putut afla, in ciuda obstructiilor si piedicilor de tot felul, fostul procuror Marian Valer, despre implicarea unor elemente ale fostei securitati si militii in evenimentele singeroase din Sibiu?

In urma anchetelor desfasurate la Sibiu, rezulta ca la data evenimentelor din decembrie 1989, organele Ministerului de Interne aveau adoptate doua planuri de actiune in cazul aparitiei unei defectiuni antiregim sub forma revoltei sau manifestatiei anti-ceausiste ale populatiei, ori sub forma unei tentative de lovitura de stat militara.  Astfel, in primul rind, pe baza ordinului ministrului de interne nr. 02600/1988, la data respectiva functia sus mentionata fiind detinuta de Tudor Postelnicu, ordin emis ca urmare a manifestatiilor anticeausiste de la Brasov, din 15 noiembrie 1987, s-a adoptat la nivelul Inspectoratului judetean Sibiu al M.I. un plan unic de actiune si interventie in cazul unor manifestatii, in care urmau sa fie implicate securitatea, militia, trupele de securitate si cele de pompieri din cadrul Ministerului de Interne.  Intr-o asemenea eventualitate, un rol deosebit urmau sa detina plutoane de interventie special constituite, respectiv plutoantele Scutul, Soimii si U.S.L.A.  In al doilea rind, in urma investigatiilor efectuate a rezultat ca organele M.I. mai aveau un plan secret de actiune impotriva unitatilor Ministerului Apararii in cazul unei tentative de lovitura de stat militara sau a altei atitudini antiregim a armatei.  Probabil ca acest plan era in conexiune cu planul Z-Z, la care facea referire Ion Dinca in cazul procesului sau si care consta in acorduri secrete incheiate de Ceausescu cu 5 state arabe pentru acordarea de asistenta militara directa in cazul unui puci militar in Romania.  In acest sens, in timpul evenimentelor din decembrie 1989 din Sibiu, armata a gasit o harta cu casele conspirative ale Securitatii din jurul unitatilor militare din municipiu, in care urmau sa fie plasate cadre de securitate care sa actioneze impotriva  acestora, in eventualitatea dezicerii armatei de regimul ceausist.  In urma investigatiilor efectuate, s-a constatat ca din asemenea case s-a actionat cu foc asupra unor unitati militare, incepind cu dupa-amiaza zilei de 22 decembrie 1989, deci dupa rasturnarea dictaturii.  S-a mai constatat ca, in general, in casele respective locuiau foste cadre de securitate sau militie, care se pensionsera sau trecusera in rezerva, sau informatori al securitatii, precum si ca, dupa inceperea manifestatiilor anticeausiste la Sibiu, la casele respective au intrat autoturisme care aveau numere de inmatriculare din alte judete, de exemplu Constanta, Iasi, Bacau.  Astfel asupra U.M. 01512, s-a tras din imobilul nr. 7 din str. Stefan cel Mare, situat vis-a-vis de pavilionul central ai acesteia, in care locuiau familii ale unui fost comandant al securitatii din Sibiu si un informator al securitatii, precum si din imobilele situate in str. Moscovei, paralela cu unitatea militara.  Asupra U.M. 1606, s-a tras din imobilul cu nr. 47 de pe str. Moldoveanu, in care locuiau un fost sef al militiei judetului Sibiu, iar asupra U.M. 01080 s-a tras din vila Branga, de pe Calea Dumbravii, in care locuia cu familia un mare crescator de oi, precum si din vila unui medic.  A mai rezultat ca locatarii imobilelor respective au lipsit de la domiciliu in timpul evenimentelor, parasindu-le cu citeva zile in prealabil, precum si ca in unele din aceste case nu s-au gasit urme de mobilier sau de obiecte casnice.  Harta caselor conspirative ale securitatii si militiei a ajuns in posesia locotenent-colonelului Dragomir, comandantul garnizoanei Sibiu, dar acesta, fiind solicitat sa o depuna la comisia de ancheta, a motivat ca nu o mai gaseste.

Monica Marginean: Intr-o convorbire telefonica de saptamina trecuta, va plingeati de unele afecte nedorite ale demisiei dumneavoastra. De fapt, despre ce este vorba?

Marian Valer: Am simtit la scurt timp dupa publicarea demisiei ca beneficiez de serviciile organizatiei domnului Virgil Magureanu….Revin ca sa arat ca la Satu Mare am fost urmarit in modalitati mai mult sau mai putin insidioase, de asemenea, in primele zile, la domiciliul parintilor mei s-au deplasat in mai multe rinduri indivizi care s-au interesat de soarta mea.

(”Asistam la ingroparea Revolutiei” Expres, nr. 33 septembrie 1990, p. 2)

“Dupa evenimente au disparut niste declaratii date la comisiile de ancheta, au disparut caietele brute de inregistrare de la ofiterii de serviciu, plus o harta in care am insemnat casele de unde s-a tras.  Mortii care erau in combinezoane si aveau mai multe haine dedesubt i-am identificat:  erau cadre ale M.I. din Sibiu (Militie si Securitate)….S-au gasit arme si munitii care nu sint in dotarea armatei, s-au gasit pistoale cu amortizor, care nu sint in dotarea noastra etc.”

(Aurel Dragomir cu Dan Badea, “Secretele Revolutiei,” Expres, nr. 22 ( 7-13 iunie 1994), pp. 8-9.)

SIBIU, 21 decembrie 1989

Doua autoturisme ARO si un autoturism Dacia au inconjurat grupul Piata Mare, facand arestari. Militienii din ARO albastru au facut 3 arestari, placand in viteza. Autoturismul 1-SB-3634 a demarat in viteza printre oameni, solicitand respectarea linistii si ordinei publice. ARO cu numarul 1-SB-1425 a fost intors cu rotile in sus si a fost incendiat de o tanara.

http://apcemrdec1989sb.portalulrevolutiei.ro/index.php?cat=1989.

SIBIU

PROCESUL DE LA SIBIU

La locuinta lui Nicu Ceausescu din Sibiu

Astfel, din adresele numărul 68 000 07 din 7 ianuarie 1990 şi numărul 68000171 din 28 februarie 1990 ale Serviciului Independent Arme-Muniţie şi Substanţe Toxice din cadrul Inspectoratului general al Poliţiei rezultă că, inculpatul figurează în evidenţa deţinătorilor legali de arme, cu pistolul marca STAR calibrul 7,85mm şi 12 cartuşe acelaşi calibru. Pentru celelalte arme găsite în locuinţa din Sibiu şi anume:pistolul mitralieră AKM , calibrul 5,6 mm, pistolul SCHMIDT, carabină automatic marca G ARM, calibrul 5,5mm, carabina 7 x 64 SAKO, carabină BROWING şi puşcă de vânătoare cu alice, semiautomată,calibrul 12 mm, cât şi pentru muniţia:6 cartuşe –357 MAGNUM, 214 cartuşe calibul 12 mm , 66 cartuşe-300 V.I.N. , 140 cartuşe-7×64mm şi 506 cartuşe.

http://www.memorialulrevolutiei.ro/baza_de_date/procese/sibiu/Sedinta%201.doc

23 decembrie 1989

Ion Neata:  “…Avea cartus inauntru, l-am extras imediat si am inceput sa studiez arma, stiti, eu sint la maistri militari, specialitatea armament.  Mi-au trecut multe pusti prin mina, dar asa ,bijuterie’ inca nu am vazut.  Este vorba de un Browning de mare precizie, calibru 5,6 mm de productie belgiana….Controlindu-l am gasit asupra sa urmatoarele:  buletin de identitate pe numele Fanea Nicolae, legitimatie de serviciu, pe acelasi nume, din care rezulta ca este inginer la I.P.A.S….si o statie de emisie-receptie de tipul celor de la militie.”

[“On 23 December 1989 in Sibiu, a soldier participated in the capture of one Fanea Nicolae who was carrying a Belgian-made 5.6 mm Browning and “a radio transmitter-receiver of the type used by the Romanian ‘Militia’.

Ion Neata, interview by Major Mihai Floca, “Unde sint teroristii?,” Armata Poporului, no. 30 (25 July 1990), p. 3.”

http://homepage.mac.com/khallbobo/RichardHall/pubs/Voineaswar091706.html.]

BUCURESTI

PROCESUL DE LA SIBIU

La locuinta lui Nicu Ceausescu din Bucuresti

De asemenea, la locuinţa inculpatului situată în Bucureşti,strada Cosmonauţilor nr.2-4, a fost găsit un pistol cu aer comprimat calibrul 4,5 mm , 23 cartuşe calibrul 7×64mm, un cartuş 300 V.I.N., 44cartuşe-357 MAGNUM, 3 cartuşe calibrul 12 mm, 498 cartuşe-calibrul 5,6mm, 50 cartuşe-calibrul 9mm lung, 27 cartuşe-calibrul 6,35mm, două cutii cu diaboluri –calibrul 4,5mm pentru care nu a posedat autorizaţie legală, aşa cum prevede articolul 2,litera f din decretul numărul 367/1971.

http://www.memorialulrevolutiei.ro/baza_de_date/procese/sibiu/Sedinta%201.doc

La locuinta lui Nicolae Andruta Ceausescu din Bucuresti

“arma cu luneta si 695 gloante calibru 5,6 mm”

[Victor Dinu, Romania Libera, 12 April 1990, p. 2.

During the trial of Nicolae Ceausescu’s brother, Nicolae Andruta Ceausescu, head of the Securitate’s Baneasa training academy, it was disclosed that at his home “a gun with an infra-red scope and 695 cartridges of 5.6 mm bullets were found.”

http://homepage.mac.com/khallbobo/RichardHall/pubs/Voineaswar091706.html. ]

Nicu Ceausescu, Arme de 5,6 mm, Directia V-a a Securitatii, si Decembrie 1989

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on January 5, 2009

http://www.memorialulrevolutiei.ro/baza_de_date/procese/sibiu/Sedinta%202.doc.

Şedinţa a doua

Continuare –declaraţia inculpatului Nicu Ceauşescu

Pr.-În legătură cu cea de a doua învinuire şi anume deţinerea, fără drept sau în condiţii nelegale, a mai multor arme de foc şi a muniţiei aferente acestora, a muniţiei în general, ce aveţi de spus? Deci aţi deţinut, şi câte astfel de arme, în ce condiţii?

In.-Da.

Pr.-Ce aveţi de relatat vizavi de această învinuire ?Deci, în primul rând, ce arme aţi deţinut la locuinţele dumneavoastră?

In.-Domnule preşedinte , acuma trebuie, ţin să specific acelaşi lucru-armele nu au fost găsite la locuinţa mea din Sibiu.Nici armele, nici muniţia. Armele au fost găsite la Centrul de Dresaj-Câini.

Pr.-Da.

In.-Armele erau proprietatea tatălui meu pe care le foloseam şi eu.

Pr.-Deci, care sunt aceste arme?

In.-Poftiţi?

Pr.-Care sunt aceste arme? Să-ncepem unde le-aţi deţinut şi cu ce titlu, să ne spuneţi.

In.-Aşa. Aceste  arme, deci-nu ştiu exact denumirile…

Pr.-Citind rechizitoriul, aţi citit rechizitoriul?

In.-Da.

Pr.-Cele din rechizitoriu corespundeau, ca să putem să vă facilităm…

In.-Da,da,da.

Pr.-Atunci aţi posedat un pistol mitralieră,fără serie, confecţionat tip CUGIR…

In.-Da.

Pr.-de 5,6 calibru?

In.-Da.

Pr.-Unde s-a aflat acest …

In.-Acest pistol mitralieră s-a aflat o perioadă la taică-miu, o perioadă la mine, o perioadă la Şcoala de câini.

Pr.-Când anume, de ce a ajuns la Şcoala de Câini?

In.-Păi, la Şcoala de Câini a ajuns în ziua de 22, când am spus, existând pericolul…

Pr.-Deci, până în 22, unde a fost?

In.-Păi,la…depinde de când?

Pr.-Deci, de-atuncia…

In.-Bun. La Sibiu ,deci, de 2 ani de zile ca să nu mai…la mine!

Pr.-Era al dumneavoastră?

In.-Nu!

Pr.-Dar?

In.-Era al lui taică-miu, io-l foloseam. De fapt, ar…ăăă…regimul era în felul următor(puţin mai complicat),deci în fosta Direcţie 5 a fostului Departament al Securităţii Statului avea, din câte cunosc eu, toate armele înregistrate. Ea se ocupa de înregistrarea lor, deci,practic trecerea lor în registru sau în … asta de port-armă, muniţie, întreţinere, toate celelalte probleme. Am avut două discuţii, în legătură cu aceste arme, cu fostul şef al Direcţiei a 5-a ,respectiv fost general sau actual general-Marin Neagoe.

Şi l-am întrebat: toate armele sunt normale?(armele care erau în posesia mea). Mi-a spus:„Nu e nici o problemă, toate armele sunt trecute în evidenţa miliţiei şi există un permis general pe ele).

Pr.-Deci aţi auzit că există un permis general pe aceste arme?

In.-Pe fiecare, adică toate sunt trecute pă un singur permis.

Pr.-Aparţinând cui?

In.-Aşa.

Pr.-Deci există un permis ! Ce fel de permis?

In.-Un permis de arme în care sunt trecute toate armele care există în casă…

Pr.-Un permis pe numele cui? Sau pentru cine?Sau al cui?

In.-Această întrebare n-am pus-o.

Pr.-Nu vi se pare nefiresc că n-aţi pus-o?

In.-Nu!

Pr.-Şi că v-aţi mulţumit?…Da.

In.-Nu mi se … ştiţi de ce? Să vă spun foarte sincer –datorită faptului că era Departamentul Securităţii Statului.

Pr.-Acest pistol-mitralieră, de tip CUGIR, calibrul 5,6, de cât timp se află în detenţia dumnea, în deţinerea dumneavoastră?

In.-Doi ani jumate.

Pr.-„Am deţinut un pistol mitralieră-calibrul 5,6, tip Cugir, primit în  urmă cu circa doi ani, de la tatăl meu…”. Pistolul SCHMIDT,  unde l-aţi avut, tot la Sibiu? Pistol Schmidt?

In.-Pe care aveam permis de port-armă sau…?

Pr.-Pistolul SCHMIDT  ca atare, şi pe urmă cu permisul…

In.-Păi, nu ,dar nu ştiu care este, vă rog să mă scuzaţi, da’ io nu ştiu exact, după denumire, cum arată, asta e partea mai…ăăă…

Pr.-Problema aceasta de tip de arme militare sau nu şi de mărci , nici nouă nu ne este foarte familiară, dar…

In.-În rechizitoriu spune că io-am avut permis de port –armă cu un singur pistolet.

Pr.-Câte pistoale aţi avut atunci? Câte pistoale,pistolete aţi deţinut?

In.-SCHMIDT? Păi, dacă-i aici e…tot de 2 ani de zile.

Pr.-Ca număr vă întreb.

In.-Păi, câte sunt în rechizitoriu.

Pr.-Nu, nu! Câte aţi avut dumneavoastră? Nu ştiaţi câte arme?

In.-Nu!

Pr.-„Nu pot preciza câte pistolete am deţinut…”

Dar, la Bucureşti, câte v-au fost găsite în maşină?

„…dar,la Bucuresti, au fost găsite în maşina cu care călătoream 2 pistolete,…”. Vă aparţineau acestea ?

In..-Da.

Pr.-„…care îmi aparţineau .” Câte carabine aţi avut?

In.-Două.

Pr.-Două sau trei?

In.-Două puşti de vânătoare şi două de 5,6 fiindcă şi…

Pr.-Deci două? Două cu lunetă şi două fără?

In.-Da.

Pr.-„Am mai deţinut 2 carabine cu lunetă şi 2 puşti de vânătoare”. Toate acestea la Sibiu, ce-am discutat?…

Pr.-Toate acestea la Sibiu, ce-am discutat până acuma?

In.-Da.

Pr.-„Toate acestea în locuinţa mea, din Sibiu, până la data de 22 decembrie…”

Cine a dispus să fie duse la Şcoala de Câini? Când,înainte de a pleca spre aeroport?

In.-Nu! Dimineaţa la şapte.

Pr.-„…când, dimineaţa, eu am dispus să fie transportate la Şcoala de Creştere şi Dresaj-Câini”. În locuinţa din Cosmonauţilor aţi deţinut un pistol de tip aer comprimat?

In.-Cred că da. Da!

Pr.-„Am deţinut la locuinţa din Bucureşti, strada Cosmonauţilor, un pistol de tir, cu  aer comprimat, marcă germană”.

Contestaţi muniţia şi tipul de muniţie şi numărul din procesele verbale, care le-aţi văzut la dosar?

In.-Nu,păi…

Pr.-Că s-ar fi găsit la locuinţa dumneavoastră, că vă aparţineau?

In.-A, tot ce se poate! Acuma, singurul lucru, care pot să spun io , e că n-am văzut procesul verbal de percheziţie, da’, merg pe bună credinţă, înseamnă că aşa e.

Pr.-Da, atuncia ne puteţi dumneavoastră spune câte anume?

In.-Nu!Nu.

Pr.-„Am deţinut muniţie atât la locuinţa mea din Sibiu,…

In.-La Sibiu toată a fost dusă la…

Pr.-…care a fost, şi ea, transportată, la Centrul de Creştere şi Dresaj-Câini…”

La Bucureşti aţi avut muniţie? În Cosmonauţilor?

In.-Cred că da. Dacă spun c-am avut …

Pr.-„…şi cred c-am avut muniţie şi la locuinţa din Bucureşti”.

In.-Am înţeles că s-a găsit un cartuş, două cartuşe,mă rog.

Pr.- „Nu pot reda numeric şi, ca tip, muniţia deţinută , dar consider reale menţiunile din actele de la dosar”. Acestea v-au fost,în parte, date de tatăl dumneavoastră sau le-aţi primit dumneavoastră personal,sau cum? Aceste arme : carabine,  puşti cu lunetă,  pistoale?

In.-Da. Adică, am încercat de la început să explic un lucru. Deci nu numai astea le-aveam. Aveam la Direcţia 5-a mai multe.

Pr.-Nu. Asupra dumneavoastră şi-n locuinţele dumneavoastră?

In.-Bun!Asupra mea s-a găsit un pistol.

Pr.-Aşa.

In.-Dar…ăăă…problema care e – ei se ocupau de toate problemele astea.

Pr.-De unde aţi primit acestea despre care am vorbit?

In.-Aa, bun! O parte, de exemplu, o parte le-am primit şi eu, o parte erau de la tată-miu.

Pr.-„O parte din aceste arme le primisem de la tatăl meu , altele le primisem în mod direct.”

In.-Aşa. De exemplu, pistol…

Pr.-„Cert este că generalul Neagoe îmi comunicase că, pentru toate aceste arme există înregistrări legale , precum şi un permis general, iar eu nu am cerut alte precizări.”

Consideraţi că le deţineţi legal,practic?Consideraţi că sunteţi în deţinerea legală a acestor arme şi a acestor muniţii?

In.-Foarte greu de spus.Adică, domnule preşedinte, vă daţi seama că, în funcţia pe care o aveam io, ca să deţin permis, adică să obţin permis de port-armă şi muniţie aferentă era un lucru foarte simplu.Era, practic îl chemam pe cel de la…

Pr.-În funcţia în care…

In.-Era…

Pr.-…aţi deţinut-o, multe probleme le puteaţi rezolva foarte simplu,dar, aicea, este altă problemă.

In.-Bun, io-am…

Pr.-Tocmai în funcţia pe care o deţineaţi, eraţi dator să cunoaşteţi dispoziţiile legilor şi legislaţiei române.

In.-…am plecat de la buna…

Pr.-Vizavi de această legislaţie…

In.-Da?

Pr.-…dumneavoastră vă consideraţi un om cu studii superioare şi cu o anumită…deci, din acest punct de vedere consideraţi legală, privitor la legea română ?

In. -Am de făcut 2 precizări: nu cunosc legea din ` 71 privind regimul armelor …

Pr.-Deci  nu cunoaşteţi această lege?

In.-Da.Aşa.  Şi…ăăă…la momentul respectiv, consideram legal, dacă era vorba de…

Pr.-„Nu cunosc legea, actul normativ din 1971, privind regimul armelor şi muniţilor…”

In.-Da’ , acuma cunoscând, ştiu că nu-i legal.

Pr.-Şi deci, atunci, apreciaţi că sunteţi în cadrul unei deţineri legale?

In.-Nu,acuma…

Pr.-Nu acuma. Atunci ?

In.-Atuncia? Atuncia da, fiind…

Pr.-„…şi am considerat, în permanenţă, că mă aflu într-o deţinere legală a armamentului şi muniţiei, abia acum realizând că am încălcat dispoziţiile legale.”

Aţi avut,totuşi, un permis de port-armă ?

In.-Da.

Pr.-Şi la acest permis de port-armă, ce armă era trecută?

In.-Un pistol .

Pr.-Cine, de ce vi s-a dat? L-aţi solicitat dumneavoastră sau…?

In.-Nu! Era singura armă care nu provenea de la Direcţia 5.

Pr.-Da.

In.-Şi provenea direct de la Postelnicu. Şi-atuncia, când am zis , mi-au dat arma…

Pr.-Nu vi s-a părut normal că pentru acest pistol aveţi permis de port-armă, iar pentru toate celelalte-şi pe numele dumneavoastră categoric-?

In.-Dupa-ceea. Ăsta a fost şi motivul pentru care l-am întrebat pe Neagoe.

Pr.-E clar!

„Eu am primit un pistolet de la…direct de la Tudor Postelnicu şi un permis pentru acest pistolet, şi atunci  l-am întrebat pe generalul Neagoe despre situaţia celorlalte arme, aflând despre ceea ce am numit un permis general”. În legătură cu aceste probleme, legate de învinuirea , în legătură cu armamentul şi muniţia mai aveţi ceva de declarat?

In.-Nu. Nu.

Pr.-În conformitate cu dispoziţiile legale, dacă aţi relatat tot ceea ce-aţi avut de relatat în legătură cu învinuirea, Instanţa vă va adresa câteva întrebări.

Decembrie 1989, gloante de calibru 5, si teroristii: Dupa Sibiu si Bucuresti (Piata Palatului), astazi Brasov, Braila, si zona Televiziunii (Bucuresti)

Decembrie 1989: Si totusi forumistii stiu cite ceva. Sibiu, Bucuresti, munitie atipica, si teroristii

from “Orwellian…Positively Orwellian”

http://homepage.mac.com/khallbobo/RichardHall/pubs/Voineaswar091706.pdf.

Did the black-suited ones have any affiliation to any institution? After all, is it not odd that so many of them would appear to be dressed in the same garb? In 1990, an engineer, Mircea Georgescu, expressed his frustration about the post-December disappearance of the “terrorists” in Sibiu, Nicu Ceausescu’s fiefdom, as follows:

“Who fired from the attics of Sibiu on 21-22 December 1989? Who are the so-called terrorists? Where are their guns with scopes and unmistakable cadence? Silence on all fronts:…

c) A fighter from the guards, along with his brother, captured in these days (23-25 dec.) some 8 securisti among whom: one about 45-50 years old, at the State Theater Sibiu, we surrendered him to the Commander at the Army House. He was taken under guard by 4 civilian fighters (one in front had a club in his hand) and by a soldier with a gun at his side. He was dressed in a vest (like a smith’s) and a pant-suit (combinezon) that was black or a very dark grey…brown with short hair, well-built and 1,70-1,75 m tall….What, nobody knows anything about this guy either?…[emphases added]”[56]

Lt. Col. Aurel Dragomir, former commander of the “Nicolae Balcescu” Military Officers School in Sibiu, described in 1994 those killed as “terrorists” in Sibiu in December 1989:

…On the morning of 22 December…I was informed that on the rooftops there were some suspicious persons. I saw 2-3 people in black jumpsuits. The Militia told me that they weren’t their people. At noon there appeared 10 to 15 people in black jumpsuits who opened massive gunfire on the crowds and soldiers. I ordered them to respond with fire. I headed to the infirmary—the reserve command site, and col. Pircalabescu [head of the Patriotic Guards] called and asked me “why was there gunfire?” I told him we were being attacked. He told me to cease fire. Ilie Ceausescu [Ceausescu’s brother, and an Army General] told me to surrender. I slammed the telephone down. Then [Army General] Stanculescu called. I told him that we are under attack. Stanculescu said to me: ‘Defend yourselves!’….The attackers had on black jumpsuits under which they had on civilian clothes….Weapons and ammunition that weren’t in the arsenal of the Army were found, guns with silencers were found, that aren’t in the Army’s arsenal….After the events declarations given to the investigating commissions disappeared, notebooks filled with the recordings of officers on duty (ofiterii de serviciu), and a map that noted from which houses gunfire came. The dead who were in jumpsuits and had several layers of clothing were identified: they were cadre from the Sibiu Interior Ministry (Militia and Securitate)…. (“black jumpsuits” emphases and “weapons and ammunition…” emphasis added; rest in original)[57]

According to the Army’s semi-official account of the December events, in the area of the Cernica and Pustnicu forests and the Brick Factory in Bucharest (apparently in the vicinity of vilas of Postelnicu and Valentin Ceausescu), a tank unit under the command of Captain Ion Anghel “engaged in battle with terrorist elements that were on foot and in ABIs,” the latter being a vehicle exclusively belonging to the USLA, as was noted earlier.[134]

Sibiu, 19-22 December 1989

In Sibiu, Siani-Davies tells us:

Controversy also continues to surround a commercial TAROM flight, which is alleged to have brought up to eighty USLA troops from Bucharest to Sibiu on December 20, 1989. It is not clear if the USLA forces were actually on the airplane, or, even if they were, what they actually did in Sibiu…[Serban] Sandulescu (c1996), 57-58…suggests they were not members of USLA but the DIA [Army’s Intelligence Unit].[151]

From the standpoint of Siani-Davies’ unsuspecting reader such a conclusion may seem not only credible, but judicious. But one of Siani-Davies’ habits—identified negatively by even those who praise the book—is his tendency to draw negative equivalencies: i.e. there is about as much evidence to support x as there is to support y, in order to disprove or discount both propositions. In a review, Doris Mironescu writes:

“Very common are claims such as the following: ‘Finding the proof to sustain such an explanation of the events [that the Army’s Intelligence arm, the DIA simulated the “terrorist diversion,” to permit the Front’s takeover and a possible Warsaw Pact invasion of the country] is as difficult as proving that special units of the securitate took up arms against the revolution’ (p. 154). Mutually contradictory hypotheses are invoked in order to negate each other, not so much because of the weight of the claims, but through the ideological similarity of both.”[152]

This tendency definitely affects Siani-Davies’ analysis of the “terrorists” and its accuracy. To begin with, in the very book (Sandulescu) invoked by Siani-Davies, the head of the DIA (Battalion 404 Buzau), Rear Admiral Stefan Dinu, is quoted as having told the Gabrielescu commission investigating the December events (of which Sandulescu was a member) that “we hardly had 80 fighters in this battalion.”[153] It is known that 41 of them were in Timisoara from the morning of 18 December and only returned to their home base in Buzau on 22 December.[154] This makes it highly unlikely that they were on the 20 December TAROM flight to Sibiu that is in question.[155]

Contrast this with the signs that exist pointing to the mystery passengers as having been from the Securitate/Interior Ministry, in particular the USLA. Nicu Silvestru, chief of the Sibiu County Militia, admitted in passing in a letter from prison that on the afternoon of 19 December 1989, in a crisis meeting, Nicolae Ceausescu’s son, Nicu, party head of Sibiu County, announced that he was going to “call [his] specialists from Bucharest” to take care of any protests.[156] Ceausescu’s Interior Minister, Tudor Postelnicu, admitted at his trial in January 1990 that Nicu had called him requesting “some troops” and he had informed Securitate Director General Iulian Vlad of the request.[157] If they were, indeed, DIA personnel, why would Nicu have called Postelnicu, and Postelnicu informed Vlad of the request—would such a request not have been relayed through the Defense Minister?

The first two military prosecutors for Sibiu, Anton Socaciu and Marian Valer, identified the passengers as USLA. Even Nicu Ceausescu admits that this was the accusation when he stated in August 1990:

“…[T]he Military Prosecutor gave me two variants. In the first part of the inquest, they [the flight’s passengers] were from the Interior Ministry. Later, however, in the second half of the investigation, when the USLA and those from the Interior Ministry began, so-to-speak, to pass ‘into the shadows,’ – after which one no longer heard anything of them – they [the passengers] turned out to be simple citizens…”[158]

Beginning, at least as early as August 1990, with the allusions of Major Mihai Floca, and later seemingly indirectly confirmed by former USLA officer Marian Romanescu, it was suggested that when USLA Commander Ardeleanu was confronted at the Defense Ministry on the night of 23/24 December 1989, Ardeleanu reportedly admitted that “30 were on guard at [various] embassies, and 80 had been dispatched to Sibiu with a Rombac [aircraft] from 20 December 1989 upon ‘orders from on-high’.”[159] Finally, and along these lines, we bring things full circle—and recall our “phantoms in black” again in the process—with the testimony of Army officer Hortopan to the same Serban Sandulescu at the Gabrielescu Commission hearings:

Sandulescu: About those dressed in black jumpsuits do you know anything, do you have any information about whom they belonged to?

Hortopan: On the contrary. These were the 80 uslasi sent by the MI [Interior Ministry], by General Vlad and Postelnicu to guard Nicolae Ceausescu [i.e. Nicu]. I make this claim because Colonel Ardelean[u] in front of General Militaru, and he probably told you about this problem, at which I was present when he reported, when General Militaru asked him how many men he had in total and how many were now present, where each of them was: out of which he said that 80 were in Sibiu based on an order from his commanders. Thus, it is natural that these are who they were.[160]

Bringing us up to the morning of 22 December 1989, and setting the stage for what was to come, Lt. Col. Aurel Dragomir told the Army daily in November 1990:

Dragomir: Events began to develop quickly on 22 December. In the morning some of the students posted in different parts of the town began to observe some suspect individuals in black jumpsuits on the roofs in the lights of the attics of several buildings.

Reporter: The same equipment as the USLAsi killed out front of the Defense Ministry…

Dragomir: And on the roof of the Militia building there were three or four similar individuals…[161]

Of course, the fact that these individuals were posted on the top of the Militia building on this morning, speaks volumes in itself about their affiliation. Indeed, in a written statement dated 28 January 1990, Ioan Scarlatescu, (Dir. Comm. Jud. Sibiu), admitted that he was asked by the Army on that morning if the unknown individuals “could be from the USLA?”[162]

Gheorghe Cocos povesteste cum el si sotia sa au fost impuscati cu gloante DUM-DUM “care se spune ca nu exista, dar totusi exista”

Vedeti clip-ul 4:55-6:23

posted by tioluciano on youtube on 22 December 2009 cu cuvintele aceste

“Documentarul “SIBIU 1989” LDTV(comprimat 15,4 MB, format WMV, 212kbps, 384 x 288 pixels,13 fps)

Documentar lansat într-o proiectie publica in data de 21 decembrie 2009, de la ora 18.00, la Casa de Cultura a Sindicatelor Sibiu, Sala STUDIO
Producator versiune originala : Octavian Repede ( sibiuvideo@gmail.com , sau Octavian Repede-0747/990495)

———————————————————————-

mai mult despre gloantele DUM-DUM in decembrie 1989:

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.wordpress.com/2009/12/24/bullets-lies-and-videotape-the-amazing-disappearing-romanian-counter-revolution-of-december-1989-part-vii-conclusion-those-who-told-us-the-truth-by-richard-andrew-hall/

full pdf file

blv 111909tk6

from Orwellian, Positively Orwellian (2006)

MEN IN BLACK:  The Recurring Theme of “Black Jumpsuits”

Part of the great riddle of the “terrorists” concerns their clothing.  In Brasov, it was noted the individual arrested on 23 December firing a 5.65 mm Thomson automatic was wearing a “black jumpsuit.”  The descriptions go by different names—“combinezoane negre,” “salopete negre,” or “de culor inchis,” for example—but they all note the black or dark outfits of many of those suspected of being “terrorists.”

It is critical to note that we have evidence that the focus on the black clothing of those identified as “terrorists” occurred among participants at the time, and is not merely some ex post facto artifact.  Major A.D. of Directorate V-a (probably Major Aurel David) recounted in early 1991 that while under arrest on 27 December 1989, the Army soldiers guarding him asked “If” as Major A.D. had sought to convince them, “it isn’t Ceausescu’s guard [i.e. V-a]” who was firing, “then who are the black-shirted ones [emphasis added]?”[52] The report of the SRI [the Securitate’s institutional successor] on Timisoara indirectly confirms Army suspicion when alleging that Army Colonel Constantin Zeca gave the order after 22 December 1989, to shoot at anybody “in a blue, navy blue, or black jumpsuit.”[53] Why this clothing in particular, and why the suspicion then?

Some of those shot as “terrorists” turn out to have been wearing “black jumpsuits.”  Bucking the hegemony of official, elite interpretations denying the very existence of the “terrorists,” a poster calling himself “Danka” posted the following on the Jurnalul National web forum in April 2006:

“22 decembrie 1989, military unit 010_ _ at the edge of the Branesti forest.

The Branesti forest houses one of the largest munitions depots around the capital.  It is said that an explosion at this depot would destroy the Pantelimon neighborhood from the beginning of the no. 14 tram [route].  Towards evening gunfire opened on the unit from the railroad.  Everything was a target, [and] small caliber arms and semi-automatic weapons were being used [emphasis added; note:  possible reference to 5 mm weapons].  Based on the flashes from the gun-barrels it appeared that there were 3 persons hiding among the tracks who opened fire with the goal of creating panic.  The soldiers came out of their barracks and set up in the car-park under trucks.  They couldn’t stay inside the buildings, “the terrorists” were shooting the windows [out].  Even though an alert had been given earlier in the day, nobody was prepared to respond except those on duty.  A group of soldiers with officers and n.c.o.s equipped with AK-47s, and TT pistols launched an attack from the surrounding area.  All reached their destined locations without problem by nightfall, in part because the intruders were preoccupied with maintaining a continuous gunfire on the unit.  At a given moment, the soldiers opened fire, the gunfight lasted less than 10 minutes.  Their little UZIs weren’t equipped for long-distance and thus could not stand up to the renowned AK 47.  One of the terrorists was shot in the head, while the other two were wounded when they tried to flee through a field leading away from the military unit.  The three were transported to the guard post where the lights were turned on (until then the unit had been in complete darkness) and we realized that one of the two survivors was in fact a woman.  All three were olive-skinned, clothed in black jumpsuits [emphasis added] and the two wounded survivors struggled to say something in Arabic.  After a half hour an ARO [vehicle] of the Army arrived saying they had come from the Chief of Staff’s Division and they took all three.  After a few days all the soldiers who participated in the activities of that night were made to sign a declaration pledging not to divulge anything about what had happened.  All of this is true and can easily be verified.”[54]

 

Another small group of people wearing “black jumpsuits” held a military convoy under fire near the city of Buzau. On the evening of 23 December 1989, a military convoy from Piatra Neamt en route to Bucharest reached the community of Maracineni near Buzau.  Members of the local military unit told the soldiers from Piatra Neamt that

…the unit had been attacked by two people, a civilian and Militia NCO, who disappeared with an Oltcit [car] and an ABI vehicle [an armored transport used exclusively by the Securitate’s USLA].  Shortly after [being told] this, gunfire opened on the convoy.  And gunfire reopened on the local military unit….those from the unit fired back with ordinance that lit the sky, in this way enabling them to observe a group of 3-4 armed people, wearing black jumpsuits (“salopete negre”) who were shooting while constantly changing position.  At the same time, on the radio frequencies of the convoy, they received messages about coming devastating attacks, and even Soviet intervention.  All of these proved to be simple disinformation.  The next day, in a moment of calm, villagers brought the soldiers food, and related how the terrorists had occupied attics of their houses.  They said they [the occupiers] were Romanians and that in a few words they had ordered [the villagers] to let them into the attics of their houses….In general, they shot at night, but on 25 December the cannonade continued during the day…. Curiously, the ‘fighting’ in Maracineni continued until 30 December.  Who and for whom were they trying to impress? [emphasis added][55]

Indeed, there are three key aspects here:  1) this was not a heavily populated area, thereby undermining arguments about “operetta-like” fake warfare to impress the population, 2) it is difficult to explain this episode as the result of “misunderstandings” between units, and 3) the gunfire lasted well over a week, a fact that is difficult to ascribe to confusion.

Did the black-suited ones have any affiliation to any institution?  After all, is it not odd that so many of them would appear to be dressed in the same garb?  In 1990, an engineer, Mircea Georgescu, expressed his frustration about the post-December disappearance of the “terrorists” in Sibiu, Nicu Ceausescu’s fiefdom, as follows:

“Who fired from the attics of Sibiu on 21-22 December 1989?  Who are the so-called terrorists?  Where are their guns with scopes and unmistakable cadence?  Silence on all fronts:…

c) A fighter from the guards, along with his brother, captured in these days (23-25 dec.) some 8 securisti among whom:  one about 45-50 years old, at the State Theater Sibiu, we surrendered him to the Commander at the Army House.  He was taken under guard by 4 civilian fighters (one in front had a club in his hand) and by a soldier with a gun at his side.  He was dressed in a vest (like a smith’s) and a pant-suit (combinezon) that was black or a very dark grey…brown with short hair, well-built and 1,70-1,75 m tall….What, nobody knows anything about this guy either?…[emphases added]”[56]

Lt. Col. Aurel Dragomir, former commander of the “Nicolae Balcescu” Military Officers School in Sibiu, described in 1994 those killed as “terrorists” in Sibiu in December 1989:

…On the morning of 22 December…I was informed that on the rooftops there were some suspicious persons.  I saw 2-3 people in black jumpsuits.  The Militia told me that they weren’t their people.  At noon there appeared 10 to 15 people in black jumpsuits who opened massive gunfire on the crowds and soldiers. I ordered them to respond with fire.  I headed to the infirmary—the reserve command site, and col. Pircalabescu [head of the Patriotic Guards] called and asked me “why was there gunfire?”  I told him we were being attacked.  He told me to cease fire.  Ilie Ceausescu [Ceausescu’s brother, and an Army General] told me to surrender.  I slammed the telephone down.  Then [Army General] Stanculescu called.  I told him that we are under attack. Stanculescu said to me:  ‘Defend yourselves!’….The attackers had on black jumpsuits under which they had on civilian clothes….Weapons and ammunition that weren’t in the arsenal of the Army were found, guns with silencers were found, that aren’t in the Army’s arsenal….After the events declarations given to the investigating commissions disappeared, notebooks filled with the recordings of officers on duty (ofiterii de serviciu), and a map that noted from which houses gunfire came. The dead who were in jumpsuits and had several layers of clothing were identified:  they were cadre from the Sibiu Interior Ministry (Militia and Securitate)…. (“black jumpsuits” emphases and “weapons and ammunition…” emphasis added; rest in original)[57]

 

Finally, in this context, the comments of a Codrut H. in July 1990 about what he and other civilians found when they occupied Securitate headquarters in Brasov on the night of 22 December:  “What appeared suspicious to me was that the Securitate there appeared to have been prepared [for something]….  Out front of the building there was a white ARO [automobile] in which there were complete antiterrorist kits [emphasis added].” What else did the civilians find there?…combinezoane negre. [58]

Sibiu, 19-22 December 1989

In Sibiu, Siani-Davies tells us:

Controversy also continues to surround a commercial TAROM flight, which is alleged to have brought up to eighty USLA troops from Bucharest to Sibiu on December 20, 1989.  It is not clear if the USLA forces were actually on the airplane, or, even if they were, what they actually did in Sibiu…[Serban] Sandulescu (c1996), 57-58…suggests they were not members of USLA but the DIA [Army’s Intelligence Unit].[151]

From the standpoint of Siani-Davies’ unsuspecting reader such a conclusion may seem not only credible, but judicious.  But one of Siani-Davies’ habits—identified negatively by even those who praise the book—is his tendency to draw negative equivalencies:  i.e. there is about as much evidence to support x as there is to support y, in order to disprove or discount both propositions.  In a review, Doris Mironescu writes:

“Very common are claims such as the following:  ‘Finding the proof to sustain such an explanation of the events [that the Army’s Intelligence arm, the DIA simulated the “terrorist diversion,” to permit the Front’s takeover and a possible Warsaw Pact invasion of the country] is as difficult as proving that special units of the securitate took up arms against the revolution’ (p. 154).  Mutually contradictory hypotheses are invoked in order to negate each other, not so much because of the weight of the claims, but through the ideological similarity of both.”[152]

This tendency definitely affects Siani-Davies’ analysis of the “terrorists” and its accuracy.  To begin with, in the very book (Sandulescu) invoked by Siani-Davies, the head of the DIA (Battalion 404 Buzau), Rear Admiral Stefan Dinu, is quoted as having told the Gabrielescu commission investigating the December events (of which Sandulescu was a member) that “we hardly had 80 fighters in this battalion.”[153] It is known that 41 of them were in Timisoara from the morning of 18 December and only returned to their home base in Buzau on 22 December.[154] This makes it highly unlikely that they were on the 20 December TAROM flight to Sibiu that is in question.[155]

Contrast this with the signs that exist pointing to the mystery passengers as having been from the Securitate/Interior Ministry, in particular the USLA.  Nicu Silvestru, chief of the Sibiu County Militia, admitted in passing in a letter from prison that on the afternoon of 19 December 1989, in a crisis meeting, Nicolae Ceausescu’s son, Nicu, party head of Sibiu County, announced that he was going to “call [his] specialists from Bucharest” to take care of any protests.[156] Ceausescu’s Interior Minister, Tudor Postelnicu, admitted at his trial in January 1990 that Nicu had called him requesting “some troops” and he had informed Securitate Director General Iulian Vlad of the request.[157] If they were, indeed, DIA personnel, why would Nicu have called Postelnicu, and Postelnicu informed Vlad of the request—would such a request not have been relayed through the Defense Minister?

The first two military prosecutors for Sibiu, Anton Socaciu and Marian Valer, identified the passengers as USLA.  Even Nicu Ceausescu admits that this was the accusation when he stated in August 1990:

“…[T]he Military Prosecutor gave me two variants. In the first part of the inquest, they [the flight’s passengers] were from the Interior Ministry. Later, however, in the second half of the investigation, when the USLA and those from the Interior Ministry began, so-to-speak, to pass ‘into the shadows,’ – after which one no longer heard anything of them – they [the passengers] turned out to be simple citizens…”[158]

Beginning, at least as early as August 1990, with the allusions of Major Mihai Floca, and later seemingly indirectly confirmed by former USLA officer Marian Romanescu, it was suggested that when USLA Commander Ardeleanu was confronted at the Defense Ministry on the night of 23/24 December 1989, Ardeleanu reportedly admitted that “30 were on guard at [various] embassies, and 80 had been dispatched to Sibiu with a Rombac [aircraft] from 20 December 1989 upon ‘orders from on-high’.”[159] Finally, and along these lines, we bring things full circle—and recall our “phantoms in black” again in the process—with the testimony of Army officer Hortopan to the same Serban Sandulescu at the Gabrielescu Commission hearings:

Sandulescu:  About those dressed in black jumpsuits do you know anything, do you have any information about whom they belonged to?

 

Hortopan:  On the contrary.  These were the 80 uslasi sent by the MI [Interior Ministry], by General Vlad and Postelnicu to guard Nicolae Ceausescu [i.e. Nicu].  I make this claim because Colonel Ardelean[u] in front of General Militaru, and he probably told you about this problem, at which I was present when he reported, when General Militaru asked him how many men he had in total and how many were now present, where each of them was:  out of which he said that 80 were in Sibiu based on an order from his commanders.  Thus, it is natural that these are who they were.[160]

Bringing us up to the morning of 22 December 1989, and setting the stage for what was to come, Lt. Col. Aurel Dragomir told the Army daily in November 1990:

Dragomir:  Events began to develop quickly on 22 December.  In the morning some of the students posted in different parts of the town began to observe some suspect individuals in black jumpsuits on the roofs in the lights of the attics of several buildings.

 

Reporter:  The same equipment as the USLAsi killed out front of the Defense Ministry…

 

Dragomir:  And on the roof of the Militia building there were three or four similar individuals…[161]

Of course, the fact that these individuals were posted on the top of the Militia building on this morning, speaks volumes in itself about their affiliation.  Indeed, in a written statement dated 28 January 1990, Ioan Scarlatescu, (Dir. Comm. Jud. Sibiu), admitted that he was asked by the Army on that morning if the unknown individuals “could be from the USLA?”[162]

Specialistii lui Nicu…


Nicu Silvestru, chief of the Sibiu County Militia, admitted in passing in a letter from prison that on the afternoon of 19 December in a crisis meeting, Ceausescu’s son announced that he was going to “call [his] specialists from Bucharest” to take care of any protests (“Baricada,” no. 45, 1990).  Ceausescu’s Interior Minister, Tudor Postelnicu, admitted at his trial in January 1990 that Nicu had called him requesting “some troops” and he had informed Securitate Director General Iulian Vlad of the request (“Romania Libera,” 30 January 1990.)

The rewriting of the story of the Revolution, the “tourists,” and the “terrorists” was already in full swing, when in August 1990, Nicu wryly observed:

“…[T]he Military Prosecutor gave me two variants. In the first part of the inquest, they [the flight’s passengers] were from the Interior Ministry. Later, however, in the second half of the investigation, when the USLA and those from the Interior Ministry began, so-to-speak, to pass ‘into the shadows,’ — after which one no longer heard anything of them — they [the passengers] turned out to be simple citizens…” (interview with Nicu Ceausescu in “Zig-Zag,” no. 20, 21-27 August 1990).

Re: @ REVOLUTIA SIBIU 1989 @
« Reply #623 on: March 11, 2010, 14:16:55 PM »

Acesti emanati, aceste lichele, nu-si puteau face jocurile, acapararea puterii totale, precum si inaintasii lor Dej si Ceausescu, decat prin forta represiunii armate. Parte din armata a reactionat pasnic, datorita onor ofitzeri care au dovedit mai multa logica, parte din armata a jucat rolul de dusman al romanilor. La Sibiu, avem tot mai multe date care intaresc teoria ca Dragomir a fost teroristul Nr. 1 in acele zile, ajutat si de grupul USLA trimis de la Bucuresti la Sibiu, pentru protectia lui NC, si care s-au reantors la “locul faptei” dupa ce l-a pus pe Nicu in siguranta. Ei au fost aceia care au comis executiile din Piatza Mare in ziua de 21 decembrie ora 11,45 cu primele victime ucise sau ranite. Au fost repartizati in patru puncte ale pietii: In podul Casei Albastre, in podul actualei Primarii, in podul de deasupra Tunelului Generalului si in podul de deasupra magazinului Moda. De aici, au deschis foc inspre demonstranti. Au deschis foc si pe data de 22 decembrie inspre hotelul Imparatul Romanilor din acelasi pod de deasupra Tunelului Generalului care avea corespondent cu celelalte poduri dinspre magazinul Covorul. Aceste grupe ale USLA nu aveau insemne de grad sau arma, nu purtau boneta militara si aveau la dispozitie doua microbuze ale unitatii 01512 care i-a transportat in tot acest timp. Un grup al USLA era incepand din ziua de 21 decembrie ora 07 la sediul Judetenei de partid, ocupand garajul din curtea din sapate cu munitie si armament special. Se poate descoperi foarte repede, numele persoanelor care au fost trimise la SIBIU cu Rombacul in dupa-amiaza zilei de 20 decembrie, ca urmare a convorbirilor indelungate purtate de Nicu si Bucuresti, despre demonstratia anuntata pentru dimineata zilei de 21 decembrie de la Mag Dumbrava. In timpul convorbirii telefonice, in biroul lui Nicu se afla Traian Popsa, fostul director de la IJIM Sibiu, maiorul Dragomir, seful Garzilor judetene Pescaru, secretar al CJPCR Sibiu si Niculae Hurubean, prim secretar la Alba care se afla in trecere prin Sibiu. Aceste trupe USLA au purtat alternativ, combinezoane negre, uniforma militara sau haine civile…

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #1 The Securitate Deny Foreign Instigation of the Timisoara Uprising

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #2 Shattered Glass: Securitate Vandalism to Justify Timisoara Crackdown

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #3 “Anti-terrorism” and Regime Repression

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #4 Timisoara Demonstrators Injured and Killed by Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #5 Timisoara (Podul Decebal) Evidence Suggests only the Securitate Had Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revoluion: #6 The Securitate Sends a Coded-Message to Its Undercovers in the Field (“Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare,” Scinteia Tineretului, 18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #7 Nicolae Ceausescu Leaves on a Less-than-spontaneous Trip to Iran (18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #8 Romania closes its borders to almost all foreigners…except Russian tourists returning from shopping trips to Yugoslavia (18-19 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #9 Ceausescu Regime Officials Involved before 22 December in Covering up Timisoara Repression…Remain Active after 22 December

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #10 The Protesters Conquer Timisoara as the Army Withdraws to Maintain Institutional Command and Control

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #11 Ceausescu Returns from Iran…and Apparently Not Empty-Handed

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #12 Ceausescu’s Fatal Mistake: A Pro-Regime Rally, Televised Live

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #13 The Bloody Repression of Demonstrators at Piata Universitatii/Intercontinental

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #14 Flight of the Ceausescus

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25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #14 Flight of the Ceausescus

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 22, 2014

(purely personal views as always, based on two decades of prior research and publications)

Fuga cuplului Ceausescu – din mai multe unghiuri, posted by the Alk1970

http://revolutions.gandul.info/stiri/omul-care-a-filmat-revolutia-cum-au-fost-inregistrate-primele-imagini-in-piata-universitatii-in-decembrie-1989-13733807

http://revolutions.gandul.info/stiri/imagini-inedite-primul-documentar-despre-revolutie-de-craciun-ne-am-luat-ratia-de-libertate-13734054

Nicolae Deca cu Petre Mihai Bacanu, “Ceausescu nu s-a gandit sa fuga din tara,” Romania Libera, 23 decembrie 1993, p. 15.

“Nicolae Ceausescu nu s-a gandit nici o clipa sa fuga din tara, pentru ca elicopterul avea suficient combustibil sa ajunga in Irak sau Iran, locuri care, cred eu, i-ar fi asigurat viata.”

from the 1993 documentary, The Last Day, by Arnaud Hamelin

Why did Ceausescu not intend to flee the country?  Why did he tell Nicolae Deca that he planned to “organize the resistance” in Tirgoviste?

What “organized resistance”  would Nicolae Ceausescu have had in mind?

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/01/19/what-would-it-have-looked-like-if-nicolae-ceausescus-securitate-executed-a-plan-to-counter-an-invasion-but-the-invaders-never-came-i/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/01/21/what-would-it-have-looked-like-if-nicolae-ceausescus-securitate-executed-a-plan-to-counter-an-invasionbut-the-invaders-never-came-ii/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/01/24/what-would-it-have-looked-like-if-nicolae-ceausescus-securitate-executed-a-plan-to-counter-an-invasionbut-the-invaders-never-came-iii/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/01/27/what-would-it-have-looked-like-if-nicolae-ceausescus-securitate-executed-a-plan-to-counter-an-invasionbut-the-invaders-never-came-iv/

Tirgoviste was one alternate in a longstanding plan…

Mirel Curea, Evenimentul Zilei, nr. 317, 9 iulie 1993, p. 3

An excerpt from

A chapter from my Ph.D. Dissertation at Indiana University: Richard Andrew Hall, Rewriting the Revolution: Authoritarian Regime-State Relations and the Triumph of Securitate Revisionism in Post-Ceausescu Romania (defended 16 December 1996). This is the original chapter as it appeared then and thus has not been revised in any form.

22 December 1989: What Forced the Ceausescus to Flee?

At midday on Friday, 22 December 1989, a large, overloaded helicopter lifted off from the roof of the Central Committee (CC) building and struggled to clear the grey Bucharest skyline. Moments later, demonstrators reached the roof of the CC building and began destroying the landing pad so as to ensure that no more helicopters could land. Below in Palace Square almost 100,000 people had gathered and were now singing deliriously to the tune of a widely-known English soccer hymn: “Ole! Ole! Ole! Ceausescu nu mai e!” (”Ole! Ole! Ole! Ceausescu is no more!”). The helicopter carried Nicolae and Elena Ceausescu on their final, convoluted journey out of Bucharest and brought to an abrupt and ignominious end Nicolae Ceausescu’s twenty-four year reign. After the violence of the previous night, the peaceful denouement to the confrontation between population and the Ceausescu regime came unexpectedly. Most observers figured that Ceausescu would rather have held out in the Central Committee building–”surrounded by mountains of cadavers,” as one person put it–than flee from power.[106] Thus, these observers have come to assume that the Securitate must have abandoned Ceausescu en masse.[107] Ilie Stoian summarizes the prevailing view when he states that “we are convinced that if the Securitate had not wished it so, no one would have penetrated the CC [building] and Ceausescu would not have fallen on this day.”[108]

Moreover, there has been widespread speculation that the leadership of the former Securitate must already by this time have come to some sort of understanding with the coup plotters who were to lead the National Salvation Front to power.[109] Such speculation is important for if the Securitate as institution abandoned Ceausescu and already had an agreement with the country’s new political leaders, then the “terrorists” who appeared after the evening of 22 December must either have been working on behalf of the National Salvation Front or have been an invention designed to legitimate the Front’s seizure of power.

Opposition sources have provided fodder for both conclusions. According to Liviu Valenas: “In Bucharest, it is certain that the Securitate had crossed over practically in corpore to the side of the plotters already from the night of 21/22 December 1989, probably around midnight.”[110] He speculates that General Vlad had already been engaging in dissident activity over the preceding days: “it appears that he [Securitate Director General Iulian Vlad] is the person who transmitted to Timisoara the orders…’that in Timisoara there will not be calm,’ ‘for the workers to go out into the street,’ and ‘for the Army to be withdrawn to barracks.’”[111] Ilie Stoian attempts to imply that during the evening of 21/22 December 1989, General Vlad was already attempting to distance himself from the other regime commanders. Stoian contrasts the actions of Defense Minister Milea–who remained among the group of party, Army, Securitate, and Militia officials who were coordinating the repression–and those of General Iulian Vlad who “stood alone on the sidewalk across from these [officials], a place from which he did not leave until the morning of 22 December and in which he remained quiet and did not attempt to make contact with anyone.”[112]

This allegation seems doubtful, however. In March 1990, a demonstrator alluded to Vlad’s role at University Square on the night of 21/22 December: “we were several hundred people then, when the sinister person who hid behind the codename ‘M-88′ gave the order for us to be massacred.”[113] In the transcript of communications among USLA and Militia personnel on 21 and 22 December, “88″ is indicated as General Vlad’s code.[114] Furthermore, as our discussion of the events in University Square revealed, Securitate forces were clearly involved–and in fact appear to have been the main component–in the brutal repression which took place on this night.

The sudden death of Defense Minister Vasile Milea just before 9:30 a.m. on 22 December 1989 was a critical moment in the evolution of events. The announcement on national television a little more than an hour later (10:50 a.m.) that “the traitor Milea has committed suicide” only seemed to hasten the fraternization already underway between Army recruits and the protesters heading for the city center. The official explanation of General Milea’s sudden death raised incredulity then and has continued to ever since. The title of an interview with one of Milea’s deputies sums up the details of Milea’s death which make the official “suicide” explanation questionable: “A curiosity: you shoot yourself in the heart, place the gun on the table, and then lie down on the sofa.”[115]

In 1995, Liviu Valenas publicized the claims of a former officer of the Securitate’s foreign intelligence branch (DIE)–now sharply critical of the Iliescu regime and SRI–regarding Milea’s death. According to this Securitate source, the Securitate was already serving the interests of the National Salvation Front by the morning of 22 December. He alleged that Milea was shot by the Securitate “on the orders of Ion Iliescu” and that this “smoothed the way for the success of a coup d’etat of KGB inspiration.”[116]

This allegation is highly suspect. Questioned at his summary trial on 25 December 1989 just prior to his execution, Nicolae Ceausescu maintained that Milea was a traitor because “he did not urge his unit to do their patriotic duty.”[117] Ceausescu had expanded in greater detail at the emergency CPEx meeting immediately following Milea’s death:

General Milea left from my office and two minutes later I was informed that he had shot himself. Taking into account his behavior during this entire period, it is clearly evident that he sabotaged the application of measures and worked in close coordination with foreigners…In the Capital, they did not apply a measure, they did not assign the specified units to the Capital, but used them elsewhere….The traitor Milea left from here and committed suicide. I told him to go issue the order to call military units and he committed suicide….[118]

According to Rady, Milea’s alleged insubordination was not merely in Ceausescu’s imagination:

When daybreak came, the extent of Milea’s disobedience became clear. The Central Committee Building was only lightly guarded and the streets leading up to it were inadequately protected. At the same time, the earliest reports began to come in from local party secretaries and securitate offices that the army was no longer taking any action to put down demonstrations in the provinces. Thus whereas the previous day, the army had shot down six demonstrators in Tirgu Mures, it had now assumed a passive position, simply guarding the party headquarters and leaving the streets to the crowds.[119]

Rady proposes that for this is the reason, Milea was summoned to Ceausescu’s office and instructed “to order the army to recommence active operations immediately and to open fire on such units as proved recalcitrant.”

Army sources suggest that after exiting the first emergency CPEx meeting of the morning (at approximately 8:30 a.m.), Milea gave the order that the Army units on the streets of Bucharest should mass around their equipment, ignore “provocations,” and refrain from opening fire.[120] To some extent, Milea was merely responding to the realities in the field, for already after 7 a.m. huge columns of workers from the IMGB and other major factories were on the march towards the city center. Overwhelmed commanders in the field were constantly inquiring of their superiors as to how they should proceed in light of the rapidly-changing situation. In some cases, they apparently received the order from mid-level commanders to mass around their equipment; in others, they apparently followed their own conscience. According to Army sources, the effect of the soldiers grouping around their equipment was de facto to break up the cordons of regime forces designed to prevent the forward progress of the demonstrators.[121] Milea’s order solidified the unhindered passage of the demonstrators all the way into Palace Square.

It remains unclear whether Milea was assassinated by the Securitate for this insubordination or did indeed commit suicide.[122] For example, one Army officer has admitted that (apparently after his showdown with Ceausescu) a very emotional Milea ordered him to give him his gun and then Milea slammed the door to his office and shot himself.[123] What is clear is that immediately following news of Milea’s death, the CPEx met in emergency session again. The transcript of the emergency CPEx meeting sometime after 9:30 a.m. offers some surprises.[124] While most CPEx members obediently answered Ceausescu’s appeal for them to fight to the bitter end, several members appeared to equivocate in the face of the now massive numbers of protesters. Gogu Radulescu argued: “Based on the information we have, columns of workers have headed towards the center and it is necessary to take measures in order to avoid a bloodbath.” Even Prime Minister Constantin Dascalescu admitted: “I have been and will be by your side until the end, but I believe that it is necessary to consider what will happen if we shoot into honest workers.”

The views of the CPEx members seem also to have been influenced by news that some Army soldiers had been “disarmed” by protesters. Ion Radu stated that “Minister Vlad says that there are still isolated, small groups of disarmed soldiers.” Significantly, in the absence of a representative from the Army at the meeting, it was Securitate Director Vlad (officially not even a CPEx member) who assured those gathered that “the Army will not allow itself to be disarmed.” In the end, it was decided that only if the demonstrators were armed or attacked would regime forces open fire. While the post-Ceausescu media has occasionally recorded Vlad as having responded to Ceausescu’s appeal to “fight to the end” with the phrase “like hell we will,” the stenogram quotes him as replying obediently “we will proceed as you have instructed.”[125]

In the wake of Milea’s death, Nicolae Ceausescu personally appointed General Victor Stanculescu–freshly-arrived from Timisoara and a notorious favorite of Elena’s–as Defense Minister. From a bureaucratic standpoint, the Army Chief of Staff, General Stefan Guse, should have legally succeeded Milea. But Guse was still in transit from Timisoara and in such cases Ceausescu’s word was always the final arbiter. According to Stanculescu, Milea had phoned him the previous night and told him that “problems” had developed and that he should return to Bucharest immediately.[126] In one of the most famous pieces of folklore concerning the December events, upon returning to Bucharest in the early morning hours of 22 December, Stanculescu–according to his own account–was so determined to avoid being further implicated in a repression similar to what he had been involved in in Timisoara that he arranged for a doctor to put his left leg in a cast.[127] Nevertheless, this did not prevent him from being appointed Defense Minister.

Between 9:30 a.m. (when Milea was found dead) and 10:45 a.m. (when Stanculescu arrived at the CC building), the Army was essentially without a commander-in-chief and officers continued to transmit Milea’s last order prior to his death, calling on the troops not to open fire.[128] After Stanculescu arrived at the CC building, at 10:45 a.m. he expanded Milea’s “Rondoul” order to include the return of all Army units to barracks.[129] At the same time, however–according to Air Force Commander, General Gheorghe Rus, immediately after the events–Stanculescu instructed him to dispatch three hundred parachutists, with helicopters and airplanes, ready to descend and engage in battle in Palace Square.[130] While on trial in 1990, CPEx member Manea Manescu confirmed that the initial plan had been to evacuate the entire CPEx from the CC building.[131]

Sauca is probably correct that Stanculescu realized that if he did not quickly find a way to get rid of the Ceausescus, he too might suffer Milea’s fate.[132] The choice for Stanculescu was simple: “either him [Nicolae] or us!” Stanculescu maintains that because the hallways of the CC building were teeming with well-armed guards and “windows could already be heard shattering at the entrance to the CC,” he took the decision to evacuate the Ceausescus by helicopter in order to avoid a bloodbath or the lynching of the first couple.[133] According to Lieutenant Colonel Ion Pomojnicu, one of the few Army officers in the building at the time, the Securitate inside were indeed “armed to the teeth” with machine guns and piles of ammunition and “determined to face anything.”[134]

Although the former Securitate contest the popular and “revolutionary” dimension of the December events, they routinely take credit for the fact that they did not open fire on demonstrators on the morning of 22 December 1989. For example, “a group of former Securitate officers” ask “a final question of all those ‘revolutionaries’ and ‘dissidents’ who attack the personnel of the former Securitate“: why if the officers of the Fifth Directorate located inside the CC building had 200,000 cartridges at their disposal did they not open fire?[135] General Vlad has gone to great lengths to detail the orders he gave to his subordinates on the morning of 22 December, instructing them not to open fire and to allow the peaceful entrance of demonstrators into the CC building and television station.[136]

Vlad’s statements are drawn into question, however, by the fact that they accompany claims that as early as 17 December 1989 he was disobeying Ceausescu’s orders and instructing his men in Timisoara not to open fire and to stay off the streets, and that on 18 December he issued such an order for the whole country.[137] The transcript of communications among USLA and Militia units does reveal that after 9:40 a.m. frequent references were made to a decision from “central headquarters” that regime forces were to open fire only if demonstrators attempted to penetrate regime buildings, in which case only warning shots were to be fired.[138] Yet the timing of this decision suggests that it was a reaction to the action–or rather, lack of action–of the Army which had allowed demonstrators to overwhelm the city center, and that it was in accordance with the decision taken at the second emergency CPEx meeting.

According to Army Lieutenant Colonel Ion Pomojnicu, the Securitate were fully-prepared to repress, but they were caught off-guard by the rapid development of events precipitated by the defection of the Army from the regime:

Generally-speaking, you know the withdrawal of the Army created great surprise. The moment the Army withdrew, the other forces fragmented and those forces belonging to the Interior Ministry fled. If this momentary disorganization of theirs had not intervened between 11 and 12 a.m. when it happened, it is possible that these Interior Ministry forces would have intervened. This moment of panic and disorientation favored the future evolution of events.[139]

Moreover, the evacuation of the Ceausescus from the CC building left them flat-footed:

…[The Securitate] fled as soon as their mission was finished; their mission was to defend this person, Ceausescu. If he had remained, they would have [opened fire]. I believe that for these people the flight of Ceausescu from the CC building eliminated the object they were supposed to defend in the building and would have defended indefinitely had he stayed….Don’t forget that there were similar forces not only inside the CC building. There were also troops barricaded in the headquarters of the Fifth Directorate and in the [National] Library. They did not come down from the top of the building until the helicopter had taken off….I am convinced that neither at the television station would anybody have penetrated inside if it had not been known that Ceausescu had fled. The flight of Ceausescu was vital to the unfolding of the Romanian Revolution.[140]

Further evidence that the Securitate were left in disarray by Ceausescu’s flight comes from Dr. Sergiu Tanasescu, one of the first people to enter the CC building:

…I must tell you those there were taken completely by surprise. We found half-finished coffees, abandoned cigarettes in the ashtrays….They were ripping off their epaulets, they had on shirts of one color and pants of another, trying to confuse us….At Entrance A there were many Securitate….who took advantage of the fact that they were dressed in civilian clothes and attempted to mix into the crowds….five in civilian clothes opened fire without any warning, even if it is true that they shot over the heads of the crowd…[141]

The Ceausescus on the Run

The situation in Palace Square evolved so quickly that in the end only one helicopter was able to land. Air Force Commander General Rus was forced to cancel the order for the parachutists and called the other helicopters back to base. Here was indeed a case where a slight change in timing might have had huge consequences. Had the demonstrators not made it to the roof of the CC building and set about destroying the landing pad–thus making it inoperable–Stanculescu would probably have boarded one of the other helicopters en route. The Army would have been far less likely to threaten to shoot down any of the helicopters knowing that the acting Defense Minister was aboard one of them.[142] The helicopter carrying the Ceausescus might then have made it to the heavily-fortified Boteni air force base. Had the commanders there obeyed the orders issued in person by the Supreme Commander (Ceausescu) “the situation would have become enormously complex.”[143]

But as things turned out, the protesters reached the roof of the CC building just as the Ceausescus were boarding the first helicopter–indeed, Ceausescu’s bodyguards from the Fifth Directorate had to hold back the demonstrators at gunpoint. Moreover, there were a host of eyewitnesses who distinctly heard Elena shout back to Stanculescu: “Victoras [a diminutive], take care of the children!” According to Brucan, Stanculescu was highly-aware of this fact, and realizing that Ceausescu was clearly finished, “with his characteristic elegance [he] made a sharp U-turn: ‘La stinga imprejur [About-Face]!’.”[144] Brucan suggests that he had complete confidence that from this moment, Stanculescu broke definitively with the Ceausescus and allied with the revolution.[145] Sauca states things more colorfully: “It is clear that from the moment when the helicopter lifted off from the roof of the CC, Victor Stanculescu no longer gave a damn for the lives of the Ceausescus and their clan.”[146]

Initially, it was assumed that the Ceausescus were headed for “an Arab country, presumably Libya, where they could count on their dollar deposit at Swiss banks.”[147] But, as Silviu Brucan writes: “our assumptions were wrong. No, Ceausescu was not a man to accept defeat so readily.”[148] After a short stopover at their Snagov villa–where Nicolae phoned frantically to find a safe haven within the country and where Elena packed four more bags of jewels, bathrobes, and towels to put aboard the already over-laden helicopter–they took off again headed for Tirgoviste (from which Nicolae had received the most encouraging reports). When the pilot of the helicopter, Lieutenant Colonel Vasile Malutan, informed Nicolae and Elena that the helicopter had been spotted on radar and could be shot down at any moment, the Ceausescus decided it was better to land.[149] Ceausescu’s Fifth Directorate bodyguards then flagged down a passing car at gunpoint and the first couple attempted to “hitch” their way to Tirgoviste. Their first lucky driver, doctor Nicolae Deca, has maintained that the Ceausescus “never thought for a moment of fleeing the country.”[150]

After nightfall, the Ceausescus ended up at the Inspectorate of the Militia and Securitate in Tirgoviste. According to Army Major Ion Tecu, in the preceding hours Militia men had held the couple in a nearby forest, apparently trying to decide what to do with them.[151] When they turned up unexpectedly at the Inspectorate, the head of the local Securitate, Colonel Gheorghe Dinu, agreed to turn the couple over to the Army detachment which had arrived to take control of the building. Brucan describes Dinu’s actions in the following quotation:

As was typical of the situation that fateful afternoon, the local Securitate commander could not make up his mind how to proceed. In the meantime, radio and television were signaling to the whole nation that the balance was tilting in favor of the revolution. The security officers started leaving the building, and very soon everybody was gone.[152]

Shortly after 6 p.m., the couple was transported to the Army garrison. Major Tecu states: “From 22 December at 6:20 p.m. until 25 December at 2:45 p.m., when the execution took place, [the Ceausescus] did not leave the perimeter of the barracks.”[153] Meanwhile, speaking from the balcony of the CC building in Bucharest, Ion Iliescu announced to a huge crowd that “the armed forces have been ordered to arrest Ceausescu. We have news that he has been captured near Tirgoviste and when this news is confirmed we will make it public…he will be arrested, and submitted to public justice!”[154] Not long after, the sporadic gunfire which had broken out after nightfall would become more sustained and erupt not only in Bucharest, but throughout the country. Phase two of the Revolution–the “terrorist” phase–had begun.

Conclusion

In two of the Eastern European countries with the most hardline regimes in the fall of 1989–East Germany and Czechoslovakia–the outbreak of unprecedented anti-regime demonstrations instigated and enabled officials within the party hierarchy to remove the hardline party leader (Erich Honnecker and Milos Jakes respectively). Moreover, after poorly-planned attempts by the security services to crush these demonstrations backfired and in fact catalyzed anti-regime sentiment, these institutions largely withdrew to the sidelines. The withdrawal of the state institutions of law and order from the aggressive defense of the party leadership and the communist regime allowed first for the removal of the hardline leadership and then for the collapse of the communist regime.

Anti-regime protest in Romania highlighted the basic differences in the institutional character of the Romanian regime even when compared to two such hardline regimes. Anti-regime protest in Romania could not precipitate Ceausescu’s removal from the position of general secretary by other party officials because the Romanian communist party had long since lost its corporate character. Instead, as we have seen, CPEx members obediently supported Ceausescu’s decision to suppress the Timisoara demonstrations. Moreover, the state security apparatus and the military participated in the aggressive and bloody defense of the regime in Timisoara. Significantly, even when given the perfect opportunity provided by Ceausescu’s two-day absence during his trip to Iran, senior party officials did not act to remove him as general secretary and neither the Securitate nor the Army launched a coup d’etat to end his rule.

The Romanian case supplies confirmation for the arguments of Theda Skocpol and Charles Tilly that it is the action or inaction of the state which plays a critical, catalytic, and often unintended role in making revolution possible.[155] The heavy-handed, absurd speeches of party activists dispatched to the Timisoara factories, the tactical withdrawal of Army troops to barracks in Timisoara, Ceausescu’s rambling televised tirade on the evening of 20 December, and his tremendously misguided idea of convoking a pro-regime rally on 21 December and then assuring live transmission of this event to the entire nation, all emboldened the population and made fundamental contributions to the eventual collapse of the regime.

Finally, contrary to most accounts, the Ceausescu regime appears to have fallen on 22 December 1989 not as the result of some conspiracy or Securitate magnanimity, but as the result of a sudden expansion of protest and the reasonably spontaneous decisions of mid-level field commanders who took the initiative when confronted with events which were fast out-pacing them. This forced the Army high command to first allow the protesters to pass unhindered to the city center and then for the Army to retreat to barracks. The Army’s slippery-slope towards defection put the Securitate in an unenviable and somewhat unanticipated (if not wholly unprepared for) position. The evidence seems to suggest that the Securitate was simply overtaken by events, by the protesters and by the Army’s behavior. The Romanian events thus confirm the importance accorded by D.E.H. Russell to the centrality of the Army’s defection in making revolution possible.[156]

Endnotes

[106].. Alexandru Sauca, K.G.B.-ul si Revolutia Romana (Bucharest: Editura Miracol, 1994), 80.

[107].. See, for example, Vladimir Tismaneanu, “The Quasi-Revolution and Its Discontents: Emerging Political Pluralism in Post-Ceausescu Romania,” East European Politics and Societies 7, no. 2 (Spring 1993): 328 (fn. 31 especially). According to Tismaneanu: “So far, however, the only certain elements are that the Securitate and the army switched allegiances and abandoned Ceausescu during the early hours of December 22, 1989…”

[108].. Stoian, Decembrie ‘89: Arta Diversiunii, 28.

[109].. See, for example, Tismaneanu, “The Quasi-Revolution”: 328 (fn. 31): “…generals Stanculescu, Guse, and Vlad acted like traditional praetorian guard chieftains in that they abandoned the losing tyrant and played a crucial role in the selection of his successor (the palace coup).”

[110].. Liviu Valenas, “Lovitura de palat din Romania,” Baricada, no. 26 (10 July 1990), 3.

[111].. Ibid.

[112].. Stoian, Decembrie ‘89: Arta Diversiunii, 24. Indeed, according to Stoian, Defense Minister Milea was the supreme commander of the repressive forces on this night. In December 1993, on the fourth anniversary of these events, the opposition daily edited by Horia Alexandrescu, Cronica Romana, reiterated the claim that Vlad distanced himself from the team supervising the repression (Cronica Romana, 21 December 1993, 3.).

[113].. Vasile Neagoe, “Noaptea cea mai lunga,” Expres, no. 8 (23-29 March 1990), 6.

[114].. See “Dintre sute de catarge,” Libertatea, 1 February 1990; 9 February 1990; 12 February 1990.

[115].. Captain Alexandru Barbu, interview by Horia Alexandrescu, “O curiozitate: te impusti in inima, asezi pistolul pe masa, apoi te intinzi pe canapea!” Tineretul Liber, 2 June 1990, 1-2.

[116].. Liviu Valenas, “Dosarele secrete ale neocomunismului din Romania [The secret files of Romanian neo-communism],” Romanul Liber XI, no. 8-9 (August-September 1995), 32. This appears to have originally been published in the opposition daily Evenimentul Zilei.

[117].. See FBIS-EEU-89-248, 28 December 1989, 63.

[118].. Bunea, Praf in Ochi, 53, 56.

[119].. Rady, Romania in Turmoil, 103. Indeed, information elsewhere suggests that before 10 a.m. demonstrators had taken control of local government in Alba Iulia, Arad, and other important towns in Transylvania.

[120].. See the comments of Lieutenant Colonel Rafaelescu Alexandru in Ion D. Goia, “Chiar daca fugea, Ceausescu nu scapa! [Even if he was fleeing, Ceausescu was not escaping!],” Flacara, no. 5 (6-12 February 1991), 8-9.

[121].. Lieutenant Colonel Ion Cotirlea and Lieutenant Colonel Rafaelescu Alexandru in ibid.

[122].. Even Brucan is unsure. See Brucan, The Wasted Generation, 2.

[123].. See the comments of Army Major Engineer Tufan as recounted by Lieutenant Colonel Alexandru Andrei in Goia, “Chiar daca fugea,” 9.

[124].. See Bunea, Praf in Ochi, 53-56.

[125].. Ibid.

[126].. Stanculescu, interview by Ioan Buduca, 9.

[127].. Ibid. Hence, his satirical nickname in the Romanian media: “Ghipsulescu,” from the Romanian word “ghips” which means “cast.”

[128].. See the comments of Lieutenant Colonel Alexandru Andrei in Goia, “Chiar daca fugea,” 9.

[129].. Ibid. See also Stanculescu, interview by Ioan Buduca, 9. According to the First Senatorial Commission report on the events, at 10:45 a.m. he instructed all units in Bucharest and on the road to Bucharest to return to barracks, and at 12:15 a.m. the order was transmitted for all units throughout the country to return to barracks (see “Cine a tras in noi, in 16-22?” Romania Libera, 27 May 1992, 5).

[130].. Brucan, The Wasted Generation, 2-3. Interestingly, Brucan comments: “[Rus’] statement was recorded in early January 1990 when his memory of events was still fresh and before political conditions began to engender the inhibitions that later would prevent generals from making such forthright statements….”

[131].. Ibid., 3.

[132].. Sauca, KGB-ul si Revolutia, 80-82.

[133].. Stanculescu, interview by Ioan Buduca, 9.

[134].. See Goia, “Chiar daca fugea,” 9.

[135].. A Group of Former Securitate Officers, “Asa va place revolutia?”

[136].. Iulian Vlad, “Ce mai aveti de spus?,” Adevarul, 19 January 1991, 5a.

[137].. Ibid.

[138].. “Dintre sute de catarge,” Libertatea, 3-14 February 1990.

[139].. Ion D. Goia, “Chiar daca fugea,” 9.

[140].. Ibid.

[141].. Dr. Sergiu Tanasescu, interview by Ion K. Ion, “Dinca si Postelnicu au fost prinsi de pantera roz! [Dinca and Postelnicu were caught red-handed!],” Cuvintul, no. 7 (14 March 1990), 15.

[142].. Sauca suggests this idea in Sauca, KGB-ul si Revolutia, 82.

[143].. Ibid.

[144].. Silviu Brucan, Generatia Irosita (Bucharest: Editura Univers & Calistrat Hogas, 1992), 16. This discussion does not appear in the English version of his memoirs, The Wasted Generation.

[145].. Ibid., 16, 220-221.

[146].. Sauca, KGB-ul si Revolutia, 82.

[147].. Silviu Brucan, The Wasted Generation, 2.

[148].. Ibid.

[149].. Ibid., 4.

[150].. Nicolae Deca, interview by Petre Mihai Bacanu, “Ceausescu nu s-a gindit sa fuga din tara,” Romania Libera, 23 December 1993, 15.

[151].. See Tecu’s comments in Ion D. Goia and Petre Barbu, “Ceausestii la Tirgoviste,” Flacara, no. 51 (19 December 1990), 9-10.

[152].. Brucan, The Wasted Generation, 5. Tecu confirms that between 2 and 5 p.m., the Securitate and Militia personnel began evacuating the Inspectorate building in Goia and Barbu, “Ceausestii la Tirgoviste,” 10.

[153].. Goia and Barbu, “Ceausestii la Tirgoviste,” 10.

[154].. Revolutia Romana in Direct (Bucharest, 1990), 85.

[155].. Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: Random House, 1978).

[156].. D.E.H. Russell, Rebellion, Revolution, and Armed Force (New York: Academic, 1974).

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #1 The Securitate Deny Foreign Instigation of the Timisoara Uprising

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #2 Shattered Glass: Securitate Vandalism to Justify Timisoara Crackdown

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #3 “Anti-terrorism” and Regime Repression

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #4 Timisoara Demonstrators Injured and Killed by Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #5 Timisoara (Podul Decebal) Evidence Suggests only the Securitate Had Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revoluion: #6 The Securitate Sends a Coded-Message to Its Undercovers in the Field (“Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare,” Scinteia Tineretului, 18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #7 Nicolae Ceausescu Leaves on a Less-than-spontaneous Trip to Iran (18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #8 Romania closes its borders to almost all foreigners…except Russian tourists returning from shopping trips to Yugoslavia (18-19 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #9 Ceausescu Regime Officials Involved before 22 December in Covering up Timisoara Repression…Remain Active after 22 December

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #10 The Protesters Conquer Timisoara as the Army Withdraws to Maintain Institutional Command and Control

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #11 Ceausescu Returns from Iran…and Apparently Not Empty-Handed

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #12 Ceausescu’s Fatal Mistake: A Pro-Regime Rally, Televised Live

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #13 The Bloody Repression of Demonstrators at Piata Universitatii/Intercontinental

Posted in decembrie 1989, raport final | Tagged: , , , , , , | 1 Comment »

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #13 The Bloody Repression of Demonstrators at Piata Universitatii/Intercontinental

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 21, 2014

(purely personal views, based on two decades of prior research and publications)

1989 Inregistrari (Securitate,MApN) posted by tioluciano

Uploaded on Mar 7, 2011 Inregistrari audio(Securitate,MApN) intre cei pusi sa inabuse Revolutia Romanilor, cu orice pret

 

“ORWELLIAN…POSITIVELY ORWELLIAN:”

PROSECUTOR VOINEA’S CAMPAIGN TO SANITIZE

THE ROMANIAN REVOLUTION OF DECEMBER 1989

by Richard Andrew Hall

Disclaimer:  All statements of fact, opinion, or analysis expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official positions or views of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) or any other U.S. Government agency.  Nothing in the contents should be construed as asserting or implying U.S. Government authentication of information or CIA endorsement of the author’s views.  This material has been reviewed by CIA to prevent the disclosure of classified information. [submitted July 2006; cleared by PRB without redactions September 2006]

This paper MAY be cited when accompanied by a full, proper citation.  Thank you.

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2010/10/05/%E2%80%9Corwellian%E2%80%A6positively-orwellian%E2%80%9D-prosecutor-voinea%E2%80%99s-campaign-to-sanitize-the-romanian-revolution-of-december-1989-part-9-orwellian-sanitywont-get-fooled-again/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/05/21/orwellian-positively-orwellian-prosecutor-voineas-uncritical-reception-by-romanianists/

Bucharest and Tirgoviste, 21-22 December 1989

As for the events in Bucharest on 21-22 December 1989—the events about which Siani-Davies refers to the role the USLA may have played—Romulus Cristea appears to have finally clarified the source of a transcript of communications among the Securitate, Militia, and senior political figures on the afternoon and evening of 21 December 1989 and from the morning of 22 December.  According to Cristea, the intercepts and transcripts were made on the personal initiative of some of the radiotelegraph operators and others employees of the Central Control [Office] of Radio[tele]communications at Strada Oltenitei no. 103 “at great risk to themselves, as recording the frequencies of the Securitate and Militie was illegal.”[163] That explains in part the incomplete nature of the transcripts—in particular, the gap of key hours in the middle of the night when regime forces opened fire on the demonstrators in University Square and brutally carted those who weren’t killed off to jail (48 people were killed, 604 wounded, and 684 arrested).

Cristea does not note—and may not know—that the text of the transcripts appears to be the same as what was published in Libertatea between 27 January and 15 February 1990 under the heading “Dintre sute de…catarge! [From hundreds of “masts!” (the radio identification for USLA officers conducting surveillance)].”  When they appeared at the time, it was not clear from where the transcripts had come, although the absence of exchanges from the period of bloodiest repression overnight was obvious even then.  Still, the truncated transcripts nevertheless revealed clear USLA involvement in the repression in Bucharest.  According to the transcript, upon the orders of Securitate Director General Vlad, the USLA launched tear gas grenades at demonstrators.  They also show USLA “intervention units” claiming to have “restored order” and one USLA member communicating in reference to protesters, “These hooligans must be annihilated at once.  They are not determined.  They must be taken quickly.  The rest are hesitating.”

That more than a decade and a half would pass before these transcripts were reproduced is telling in itself.  For what appeared in the Romanian press in January and February 1990 concerning the USLA’s culpability was to melt away beginning with Army General Stanculescu’s exoneration of them on 26 and 28 February 1990 in an interview with the very same Libertatea.  The USLA had already been trying to “correct” the memories of citizens, prior to Stanculescu’s “clarification” of their role.  When a participant in the demonstrations at Piata Romana in central Bucharest related on 12 January 1990 in Libertatea the role of the USLA in beating demonstrators there on the 21st and later the presence of the USLA among the gunmen who killed demonstrators in University Square in the early hours of 22 December, USLA chief Ardeleanu rushed to issue a public denial in the paper several days later.  But it was, as I have noted, Stanculescu’s official sanction of the revisionist history of the USLA’s actions that opened the floodgates.

It took almost four years—following Horia Alexandrescu’s “Heroes in Action” series and Petre Mihai Bacanu’s impassioned postscripts in his “Intercon 21/22” series protesting the USLA’s innocence—before Bacanu returned in Romania Libera and declared that, on the basis of what he claimed was “new” information from Army soldiers who had been in the square that bloody “longest night of the year,” he had changed his mind about the USLA’s role:

“Very many officers talk about these ‘civilians’ in long raincoats and sheepskin coats, who arrested demonstrators from within the crowd and then beat them brutally…No one has been interested until now in these dozens of ‘civilians’ with hats who shot through the pockets of their clothes…For a time we gave credence to the claims of the USLA troops that they were not present in University Square.  We have now entered into the possession of information which shows that 20 USLA officers, under the command of Colonel Florin Bejan, were located…among the demonstrators.”[164]

In March 2006, Cristea quoted Nicolae Victor Gheorghe, 38, as saying:

“…Around 23:30 I was arrested with a group that had fled toward the History Museum.  We were surrounded by USLA.  I was surprised to observe that among us several individuals dressed in fur-lined coats stepped forward and pointed out to the ones with the shields who to arrest….We were beaten.  I lost consciousness and when I woke up I was face-down in a van.  I was full of blood.  On top of me had been thrown a pile of other demonstrators.  We were taken directly to Jilava [jail].”[165]

Significantly, USLA Commander Gheorghe Ardeleanu admitted in passing in court testimony that USLA personnel operated in civilian clothes on this evening.[166] At the very least, it is clear that uniformed USLA personnel participated in the repression.  An official at the National Theater—located next to the Hotel Intercontinental in University Square—claims USLA troops beat demonstrators and policed the building to see if any were hiding there.[167] According to the Military Prosecutor’s 4 June 1990 charges:  “The witness [Spiru Radet] specified that one of the soldiers from the USLA troops, who had a machine gun in his hand, fired warning shots and then shot at the demonstrators.  At that point, the witness was wounded in the hand by bullets and transported to Coltea Hospital.”[168]

Certainly, USLA who were involved in the events of 21-22 December 1989 or who came in contact with the demonstrators who were involved were merciless, and behaved as if they had something to hide.  In summer 1990, Expres reported on two young men recovering in an Italian hospital from wounds inflicted during the December events.[169] They recalled how, at the Intercontinental on 21-22 December, “those in kaki [i.e. Securitate, likely USLA] shot us.  The first two rows of troops [Army] shot tracers, while those behind them opened live fire.”  The two, one injured on the 21st, the other on the 23rd, claimed that after they arrived in Italy, a certain 40 year old Iordan Cristian, who admitted to them he had been USLA, visited the hospital—he had been shot in the hand at an earlier time and recovered (!)—snatched any reading material showing photos of the 13-15 June rampage against the opposition in Bucharest, and kept them in a general state of fear.  In addition, he asked them to surrender their passports, something which “made even the Italians realize something was not quite right in all of this.”

Similarly, in an article that captures in a microcosm the complexity and fluidity of the first years of the post-Ceausescu era, one-time leader of the small “Liberal Democratic Party,” Elena Serban, maintains she was blackmailed in 1990 by Radu Grigore (a name that was to crop up again in some of the more underhanded political affairs of 1991-1992) who threatened her that “…if I betrayed him, he would kill me, and that I only needed to remember he had been an USLA officer…who had been in charge of the USLA machine-gun detachments on the night of 21 December in University Square.”[170]

[163] Romulus Cristea, “Huliganii astia trebuie anihilati,” Romania Libera, 28 March 2006, online edition.

[164] Petre Mihai Bacanu, “Au evacuat materiale…stropite cu sange,” Romania Libera, 28 December 1993, p.  10.  As I have noted elsewhere, the revelations were not “new” and what they describe is remarkably similar to what Army recruits had described to Armata Poporului in the 17 January 1990 issue.

[165] Quoted in Romulus Cristescu, “Astia ne impusca, ca la Timisoara,” Romania Libera, 29 March 2006, online edition.

[166] Paul Stefanescu, Istoria Serviciilor Secrete Romanesti (Bucharest:  Editura Divers Press, 1994), p. 288.

[167] Vasile Neagoe, Expres, 30 March-5 April 1990, p. 6.

[168] The Military Prosecutor’s report dated 4 June 1990 is reproduced in Mircea Bunea, Praf in Ochi:  Procesul celor 24-1-2 (Bucharest:  Editura Scripta, 1994), quote found on p. 88.

[169] Victor Radulescu, “Excursii prin Contul Libertatea,” Expres, no. 11 (August 1990), p. 5.

[170] Dan Badea, “Securitatea—un joc in numele trandafirului,” Expres, 8-14 September 1992, p. 9.

[171] In Simion Buia, jr. “Justitia ‘cocheteaza’ cu Puterea Politica?” Romania Libera, 13 June 1991, p. 2a, quoting Ioan Itu.  The aforementioned Liviu Viorel-Craciun claimed he was told by a Securitate officer who claimed to have been on the roof when the helicopter departed that “they could not do anything against Ceausescu there because on the roof were ‘lunetisti.’” (Liviu Viorel-Craciun, “Ex-ministrul de interne CRACIUN LIVIU-VIOREL isi continua destainiurile,” Expres, no. 14-15 (1990).)

Gloante explozive (deci dum-dum) au fost folosite si in Piata Universitatii in noaptea de 21-22 decembrie…unde USLA si oameni lor alaturati au fost dislocati…
Cazul trist al lui Mioara Luiza Mircea

http://jurnalul.ro/special-jurnalul/ucis-in-ziua-in-care-a-implinit-22-de-ani-la-sala-dalles-598302.html

Ucis în ziua în care a împlinit 22 de ani, la Sala Dalles

Autor: Luminita Ciobanu 04 Dec 2011 – 21:00

Ucis în ziua în care a împlinit 22 de ani, la Sala Dalles

Baban Florin Corneliu s-a nascut la Galati, insa, impreuna cu sora lui, Maria, a fost crescut de bunica Melania. A invatat la Scoala generala nr. 84 din Bucuresti apoi s-a inscris la cursurile scolii profesionale de chimie. A dorit din toata inima sa urmeze liceul, asa ca, fara sa stea pe ganduri, a continuat treapta intai la Liceul “Nicolae Tonitza”, insciindu-se ulterior la cursurile serale. “Era un copil linistit, respectuos, modest si curajos. In timpul liceului a urmat scoala de ghizi montani. (…) Viata era grea, banii erau putini. Dimineata muncea la Combinatul de Cauciuc Jilava ca mecanizator, in praf si fum, iar seara mergea la scoala. In vara anului 1987, pe 13 august, hotaraste impreuna cu un prieten sa plece din tara. Este arestat si inculpat pentru tentativa de trecere frauduloasa a frontierei. Multa vreme familia nu a stiut nimic despre el. A spus atunci ca nu poate trai decat liber si va face tot ce poate pentru a reusi. Pe 21 decembrie 1989 a implinit 22 de ani. Din economii si-a cumparat o pereche de pantaloni si un material pentru palton. Avea sa le ia cu el in pamant, fiind ucis in fata Salii Dalles, de ziua lui. Cei de acasa l-au asteptat, au sperat, dar el nu s-a mai intors. L-au cautat zile in sir prin toate spitalele. Au cercetat chipurile tuturor celor omorati, asezati in sali sau in gramezi umane incremenite in camerele frigorifice. Au cautat printre legaturile cu haine pentru a-l descoperi dupa imbracamintea purtata. Au atins sangele inchegat, scurs din ranile facute de baionete sau de gloante explozive. Aproape toti erau tineri. Pe 27 decembrie l-au inmormantat in Cimitirul Eroilor tineri, zi plumburie in care noroiul pamantului l-a inghitit in mare graba”, a povestit, cu sufletul cernit de durere, mama sa, in albumul “Miracol ’89 – eroi si martiri”.

Bucuresti: noaptea 21/22 decembrie 1989

GLOANTE EXPLOZIVE (DUM-DUM)

POPTEAN Petre, născut în 27.12.1965, la Margău lângă Huedin, domiciliat în Bucureşti str. Carpaţi 54, a lucrat ca şofer la ITB. In 21 Decembrie s-a dus în oraş să-şi protejeze sora care ieşea de la serviciu. Amândoi au plecat pe Calea Victoriei şi au ajuns la Dalles, unde cu groază au asistat la strivirea Mioarei Mirea de către tancheta ce intrase în mulţime făcând să sară în sus capete, mâini şi picioare într-un vacarm asurzitor. Prin sângele ce băltea pe jos, Petre i-a strigat sorei că se duce să ridice răniţii. Pe când era aplecat, a fost lovit în abdomen şi şoldul stâng de cartuşe dumdum care i-au provocat răni mari. Sora lui, Monica, a reuşit să oprească o salvare cu număr de Târgovişte, dar până la Spitalul 9 nu a mai rezistat. Aproape de ora 18 s-a stins Petre.

http://www.procesulcomunismului.com/marturii/fonduri/ioanitoiu/aeroi/docs/album_7.htm

Spitalul Coltea (Cristian Calugar, “Cine a tras gloante explozive?” Flacara, 13 februarie 1991, p.9)

1. Nicolae Lucian, adus pe data de 21 decembrie 1989. Diagnostic: fractura cominutiva femur sting in treimea inferioara, cu leziune de artera si vena femurala si pierdere de substanta prin plaga impuscata.

2. Necunoscut, adus pe 22 decembrie, ora 1, decedat la ora 1.30. Diagnostic: hemoragie peritoneala cataclismica cu plage de vena porta, case splinice, zdrobire de pancreas prin plaga impuscata hipocondru sting. Plaga zdrobita de colon travers.

image-45

Bucuresti: noaptea 21/22 decembrie 1989

GLOANTE VIDIA (CRESTATE; calibru 5,45-5,65)

Ultima data a fost vazuta in viata la 21 decembrie, in jurul orei 23:00, in zona Intercontinental. Tot la Inter a murit si tanarul Lucretiu Mihai Gatlan, de 19 ani, impuscat probabil de la o distanta cuprinsa intre 20 si 100 de metri. Cristian Florea a fost impuscat in cap la 21 decembrie, in jurul orei 24:00, in zona restaurantului Dunarea. A fost lovit din spate, probabil de la o distanta de 10-30 de metri, cu un glont perforant, cu varful rotunjit.

http://www.jurnalul.ro/stire-special/21-decembrie-48-de-morti-nici-un-vinovat-56485.html.

image-19

http://morar.catavencu.ro/2008/12/21/cine-a-tras-in-noi-pina-n-22/.

  1. lucid Says:
    December 21st, 2008 at 10:33 pm Eu am fost martor ocular in centrul Bucurestiului de la ora 12 la ora 18. Dimineatza, la 7.30 – se luminase, era o zi calda cu soare – am vazut in piatza Unirii coloanele de manifestantzi si m-am mirat ca era cam devreme. Am ajuns la Romana si de acolo la hotel Dorobantzi de unde trebuia sa insotzesc doi colegi fizicieni de la institutul Kurchatov la aeroport. Trebuiau sa plece duminica, dar de la ambasada fusesera sfatuitzi sa plece mai devreme si eu fusesem cu ei la Aeroflot – vis-a-vis de Scala sa-si schimbe biletele. La ora 8.30 eram la ei si apoi am luat autobuzul Tarom de ora noua (pleca din fatza agentziei de pe Brezoianu, unde e azi CFR-ul). I-am dus la aeroport, i-am vazut trecand de controlul bagajelor si pe la 11.30 m-am suit in autobuz inapoi. La ora 12, la Romana, soferul ne-a spus ca traseul e deviat si ne-am dat jos. Tocmai auzisem la radioul autobuzului ca luase cuvantul o tanara utecista. La 12.05-12.10 in dreptul magazinului Eva am vazut venind grupuri compacte de mitingisti, destul de calmi. M-am mirat ca se terminase asa repede. Ajunsi in dreptul lor, am auzit: “ne-au chemat la miting ca sa traga in noi”. Hait, mi-am zis, hai repede in piatza palatului ca s-a intamplat ceva. Am ajuns pe Onesti si am vazut catziva “tovarasi” dirijand destul de calmi ambulantzele ca sa-i ridice pe cei catziva calcatzi in picioare. Surpriza cea mare a fost in piatza cand am putut merge pe trotuarul din fatza ceceului, care era de peste 10 ani interzis “publicului”. Piatza era goala, dar pe iarba din fatza balconului celebru zaceau zeci de steaguri si lozinci – unele rupte. In dreptul barului Atlantic – era cca 12.20 – un grup oarecum compact de “tovarasi” – erau, mi-am dat seama ulterior – cadrele lui Goran (secu’ municipal) si ofitzerii IGM-ului (militzia Bucuresti). L-am recunoscut pe un fost coleg de liceu, era parca lent-major la militzie, pe care l-am intrebat ce se intampla. Mi-a raspuns calm: asta e, daca nu a mai slabit putzin shurubul….De altfel, totzi din grup erau surprinzator de calmi (formasera grupul disciplinat de “uratori” din fatza balconului, care a fost filmat de TV dupa panica din piatza, ei ramanand grupatzi disciplinat ca sa strige lozincile). Un om al lui Goran a venit cu un fel de tzevi indoite – cam 20 cm una – spunand ca asa ceva se putea face si la IMGB, apoi puneai carbid si….poc. Au primit un ordin si au plecat in liniste pe Calea Victoriei spre sediul lor – cladirea de langa magazinul Victoria. Am mers si eu dupa ei si am ajuns la cca 12.30 in fatza Cercului militar. Eram mai multzi care cascam gura. Se auzeau deja lozinci scandate spre libraria Eminescu (sunt de la Timisoara, a spus cineva), cand, deodata, un microbuz s-a oprit in dreptul nostri si vreo trei malaci in combinezoane albastre cu bate gen baseball s-au repezit la noi ca si cand voiau sa ne ia la bataie. Am ridicat mainile spre unul si i-am spus: ce vrei cu noi? ne uitam. Ne-a lasat in pace dar vad si acum jocul de glezne ca al boxerilor in ring pe care-l faceau in fatza trecatorilor. Am trecut pe trotuarul unde e acum Pizza Hut. Un “tovaras” cu palton de stofa englezeasca si caciula brumarie plus burta de rigoare s-a rastit la noi – eram gura-casca – sa plecam de acolo “caci s-ar putea sa se traga”. Auzind, niste femei de la etajul I – probabil lucratoare al magazinul Compescaria de atunci, au strigat la el: vretzi sa ne omoratzi acum? “Tovarasul” s-a inrosit ca racul si a luat-o la sanatoasa spre sediul din Calea Victoriei. Am ajuns pe Academiei in dreptul Arhitecturii unde ne-a oprit un cordon de militzieni si civili. Nu pot uita cum la catziva metri, in fatza la hotelul Union, un “tovaras” tot in palton dar cu palarie tare a luat literalmente de parul lung o tanara si a bagat-o in hotel. Am trecut prin pasaj la Telefoane si, era blocat accesul acum spre piatza palatului, am coborat spre cinematograful Union. Am fost fotografiat de un “toavras” – aparusera mai multzi si deocamdata fotografiau pe toata lumea de pe strazi. Am ocolit sala palatului si am iesit in Magheru pe Onesti in fatza Bisericii Italiene. Era cam 12.45 si se formase cordonul de trupetzi cu scuturile acelea albe caraghioase. Erau speriatzi, recrutzi. In spate “tovarasii” erau agitatzi si discuatu aprins. M-au lasat sa stau cateva minute acolo – se auzeau lozinci scandate dinspre Intercomntinental. La un moment dat mi-au cerut sa plec si, ocolind pe Vasile Conta, am ajuns pe la 13.30 cred in fatza la Intercontinental. Am sta aici pana s-a intunecat, asistand la napraznica sosire a celor doua sau trei TAB-uri vopsite in albastru pe care scria MILITZIA si care efectriv erau sa striveasca catziva tineri sub rotzi. Se scandau lozinci, se discuta aprins, se huiduia, dar “fortzele de ordine” erau in expectativa in perimetrul din jurul ceceului si palatului. Pe la ora 18 am plecat acasa ca nu mai puteam de foame.
    Cine a tras in acea noapte? Simplu de aflat: intrebatzi “catargele” – securistii instalatzi pe cladirile inalte din zona ca sa observe orice miscare (asa se facea si pe traseul acasa al ceausestilor, zilnic). Nu cred ca ei au tras, dar sigur i-au vazut pe lunetistii din apartamentele conspirative din zona care au impuscat numai in cap si in gat cu gloantze vidia. Nu ca sa faca macel, ci ca sa imprastie multzimea. Au mai tras din spatele scutierilor catziva dementzi de securisti si activisti plini de ura si prostie care nu pricepeau ca partida era pierduta. Au tras cu pistoalele din buzunar la adapostul trupetzilor cu scuturi. Putzini si astia, majoritatea pricepusera ce va urma. Putzini – putzini (probabil cateva zeci), dar tot au omorat atatzia tineri. Din pacate nu se vor da in gat intre ei, asa ca doar Dumnezeu ii va pedepsi.

Marius Delaepicentru Says:
July 10th, 2008 at 9:22 am

Tm_Ionescu (#14). Am fost la Dales atunci. Armata a tras, e drept, cu muniţie de război, dar dacă ar fi tras din plin, aproape că n-ar mai fi rămas martori. Ar fi fost mai rău ca la Amritsar. După prima şarjă, cea de după intrarea camioanelor în mulţime, am văzut un singur civil răpus de glonţ. Era pe trotuar, acolo unde probabilitatea de a fi fost nimerit era ceva mai micaă. Pare să fi fost un glonţ de calibru mic. Şuvoi subţire de sînge, dar moarte instantanee, ceea ce, mai degrabă validează tehnica (anti)teroristă de la Timişoara.

Cît despre autori, cred că ei sunt printre noi, sunt vocali, sunt în sistem, iar cei mai norocoşi figurează în Top 300. Ceilalţi sunt cămătari mărunţi, recuperatori, traficanţi de chestii ilegale, patroni de “firme de pază”.

http://teodorescu.blog.cotidianul.ro/2008/07/09/cine-a-tras-tintit-la-timisoara/.

scorilo10
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Location: Bucuresti,Romania
Post Re: Sa nu ii uitam….

Iti multumesc pentru interventia ta…e bine ca se mai gandeste cineva si la cei care au murit acum 20 de ani.Acum 20 de ani…joi noaptea…la 23:45 cand s-a spart baricada am primit si eu un glont in picior…o rana penetranta in pulpa ..pe care d’abia acasa am descoperit-o..pe la 6 dimineata….era mai superficiala si glontul nu imi atinsese artera femurala.Dar nu rana mea a contat…ci copilul de 12-13 ani pe care l-am gasit intr-o balta de sange pe str.Slanic..langa ministerul agriculturii.Avea trei gloante in piept…daca mai sufla.L-am dus la camera de garda a spitatalului Coltea…pe aceasi strada.Jigodiile nu au vrut sa il primeasca…mi-au inchis usa in nas.Am lasat copilul jos si am fugit spre piata Rosetti…incepusera sa apara scutierii…si garzile patriotice..si civili care bateau la sange tot ce prindeau.Eram plin de sangele copilului…probabil ca din cauza asta nici nu mi-am dat seama ca sunt ranit.Simteam o durere in picior..dar in momentul spargerii baricadei ne-am batut corp la corp cu scutierii masati la restaurantul Dunarea.Mi-am luat ceva bulane in cap si pe tot corpul..nici nu stiu cum am scapat.Am fost impuscat pe peluza teatrului National..cand fugeam spre str.Slanic.

Glontul a venit din dreapta…dinspre ministerul agriculturii-( asta am reconstituit mai tarziu…pe moment nu am simtit nimic..eram buimacit de bulanele primite si trasoarele trase de armata….si era de calibru mic..5,4 sau 5,6….arme purtate de trupele speciale).

M-am ingrijit singur..am cunostintele necesare fara sa fiu medic.O rana penetranta cu doua orificii..intrare -iesire..in cvadricepsul coapesi drepte..cam 1 cm in adancime..nici nu a sangerat cine stie ce.M-a luat ameteala cand mi-am cercetat hainele…in canadiana aveam pe lateral 2 gauri iar in caciula-una de ski..tuguiata.inca doua…intra creionul perfect prin ele..7.62..calibrul armatei romane.Dobitocul care a intrat primul cu tancul in baricada…dupa care a inceput sa traga in draci cu mitraliera de 12,3 in noi-( gloantele astea te rup in doua daca te ating)-dupa care a luat-o pe Republicii..a coborat din tanc si a tras in noi cu pistolul…se numeste Iliescu.Era plutonier ,conducator de tanc.Peste 3 ani devenea general si era seful SPP-ului lui Ion Iliescu.Azi e un prosper om de afaceri si..bineinteles..erou al revolutiei…si ca el sunt mii de falsi revolutionari care vin si ne rad nou in nas…mai ales cei de pe 22 incolo.Noi..cei din Timisoara…Lugos…Resita..Arad..Cluj..Bucuresti avem o satisfactie amara…stim totusi cu cine ne-am batut..stim cine a tras in noi..stim cine ne-a fost adversarul...a fost o luta inegala..dar reala.Dar din miile de eroi -dupa 22-( le-a fost usor sa iasa cand Ceausescu fugise iar armata era cu noi)-care dintre ei stie clar cu cine s-a batut?…cine si-a vazut adversarul?…pentru ce au primit titluri si medalii?…pentru ce merite?…si fata de cine?.Pana pe 22 sunt 1500 de certificate de revolutionari..din care 300 de morti si 400 de raniti.Dupa 22..restul pana la 20000..acum..ca am fost 40000 la un moment dat….s-a aplicat proverbul romanesc,,Putini am fost…multi am ramas”
M-am lasat un pic dus de val.Indiferent de situatie sunt mandru ca am fost acolo unde trebuia sa fiu cand trebuia..sunt mandru ca nu mi-a fost frica si nu am fost las…sunt mandru ca langa mine au fost aproape 2-3000 de persoane…toti luptand cu mainile goale impotriva tancurilor lui Ceausescu.Sunt mandru ca impreuna cu ceilalti din tara am reusit sa formam bulgarele care a declansat avalansa..acest merit nu ni-l poate lua nimeni..indiferent de interpretarile date evenimentelor din decembrie 1989.Indiferent de situatie..nimeni nu stia cand a iesit in strada..care ii va fii sorocul…marea majoritate s-au gandit ca e posibil sa moara.Si dupa mortii de la sala Dalles de la ora 16:30-( nu eram acolo…am ajuns in piata la 20:10)…represiunea mai rau i-a indrjit pe cei aflati acolo…nu s-au speriat..nu au fugit..asa cum in cursul noptii timp de doua ore s-a tras in draci-( canonada a inceput la ora 22-22:10 dupa aducerea masinilor in baricada)-si nimeni nu a fugit..chiar si dupa ce au dat cu grenade lacrimogene…de credeai ca iti iau foc ochii.
Un gand pios fata de cei care au demonstrat ca poporul roman are calitati si reurse nebanuite….pacat ca ne lipsesc conducatorii.Cititi ,,Scrisoarea a III-a a lui Eminescu…mai ales a doua parte…si o sa vedeti ca de fapt nimic nu s-a schimbat.Dixit. :(

http://www.entropiaforum.ro/viewtopic.php?f=45&p=15418

Dan Voinea, Constanin Isac, Teodor Maries, si asociatia 21 decembrie 1989

723. Achim Ştefan (Jilava-vol. 61) – decedat
Numitul Achim Ştefan, fiul lui Dumitru şi Frusina, născut la 20.06.1946 în Făurei, cu ultimul domiciliu în Bucureşti (…) a participat la manifestaţia care a avut loc în ziua de 21.12.1989 în centrul Capitalei. În noaptea de 21/22.12.1989, a fost împuşcat de forţele de ordine, fiind transportat la Spitalul Clinic de Urgenţă Bucureşti şi internat cu diagnosticul „plagă împuşcată subscapulară stânga toracico-abdominală cu leziune pulmonară, frenică şi explozia splinei, distinctie parieto-abdominală şi costală (orificiu delabrant), glonţ exploziv-toxic, şoc traumatic şi hemoragic. În pofida intervenţiei chirurgicale la care a fost supus şi a terapiei urmate, a decedat în ziua de 25.12.1989, urmare unui şoc toxico-septic ireversibil.

http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2013/07/03/cercetarile-parchetului-in-dosarul-revolutiei-13-bucuresti-ucisi-prin-impuscare-in-21-decembrie-si-noaptea-de-2122-decembrie-1989/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2011/08/18/tvr-22-decembrie-constantin-vaeni-s-a-tras-de-catre-alti-oameni-cu-cartuse-cu-glont-o-voce-de-securitate/

(a strictly personal observation)

This seems all-too-typical to me.  For all the clips from TVR during the events of the Romanian Revolution of December 1989–in fact, for all the clips including Col. Mihai(l) Lupoi–this is the first time I have seen the following clip with Constantin Vaeni from the early afternoon of 22 December 1989.

It is significant.  Vaeni, in a confused intervention, shows a bullet which he says he was given by a soldier on a tank which he and other civilians rode out from the center…one can only imagine that since the soldier gave him the bullet as evidence that as Vaeni says “others shot,” that this was not in the Army’s arsenal (otherwise it does not make a lot of sense).  So it is important to note, the whole discussion of the bullets used by non-Army forces (Securitate and Militia) began before the “terrorists” ever opened fire and in fact was specifically in discussion to bullets with which demonstrators had been shot the night before in Piata Universitatii (University Square).

Needless to say, the producer of this film (Sange pe Catifea, Cornel Mihalache) is unaware of the significance of this brief scene and doesn’t draw attention to it.

from TVR film “Sange pe catifea” (6b) between 10:00 and 10:30

http://www.trilulilu.ro/clauteo/6c99efb920996b

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2009/12/21/21-22-decembrie-1989-piata-universitatii-bucuresti-ziarul-romania-libera-28-decembrie-1993/

Stau cam uimit…daca am inteles din reportajul fragmentar…se pare ca dosarul 97/P/1990…se refera in principal la 21-22 decembrie 1989  in bucuresti (deci piata universitatii), fiindca e vorba de acesti curajosi dar nenorociti 48 de morti si 150 de raniti (vedeti articolul din ziare.com reluat din Newsin 16 septembrie 2009 in legatura cu aspectul acesta)…deci se pare ca n-are nici o legatura directa cu evenimentele dupa fuga lui Ceausescu si etapa “teroristi”!

Hai sa trecem la citeva articole interesante despre aceste tragice evenimente din seara cea mai lunga 21-22 decembrie 1989:  dupa aproape patru ani in care el a negat ca unitate speciala de lupta antiterorista (securitatea) au avut vreun rol represiv in evenimentele din 21-22 decembrie 1989…Petre Mihai Bacanu a revenit pe 28 decembrie 1993 in Romania Libera

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Procurorii mai au in lucru doar doua dosare ale Revolutiei

Parchetul General mai are in lucru doua dosare ale Revolutiei, unul la Sectia Parchetelor Militare referitor la Sibiu, care are 1.000 de volume, in care sunt cercetate imprejurarile in care au murit 48 persoane si au fost ranite 150, iar celalalt se afla la Sectia de Urmarire Penala.

In dosarul de la Sectia Parchetelor Militare sunt cercetate imprejurarile in care participanti la Revolutie din Timisoara, Bucuresti, Brasov, Constanta, Slobozia si Resita au murit impuscati sau au fost raniti. La dosar lucreaza trei procurori, care aproape au finalizat studierea celor 1.000 de volume, in vederea evaluarii probelor si a stabilirii vinovatilor.De asemenea, la finalizarea dosarulului de la Sectia de Urmarire Penala lucreaza tot trei procurori.Dosarul de la Sectia Parchetelor Militare, cu numarul 97/P/1990, este o parte disjunsa dintr-un alt dosar constituit imediat dupa Revolutie (nr.76/P/1990) in care au fost trimisi in judecata noua inculpati, iar cauza a fost solutionata definitiv de instanta de judecata. Dosarul 97/P/1990 a fost disjuns prin Ordonanta din 24 iulie 1990 si s-a aflat in lucru la procurorul militar Dan Voinea pana la 15 ianuarie 2009, cand acesta s-a pensionat, fiind preluat de cei trei procurori militari care se ocupa in prezent de ancheta.In dosarul 97/P/1990 se incearca identificarea persoanelor care “prin folosirea armelor de foc si a altor mijloace violente” au ucis 48 de persoane si au ranit 150.Dosare din tara trimise in instanta pentru evenimentele din 17-21 decembrie 1989Pentru violentele inregistrate pana pe 22 decembrie 1989 au fost intocmite 102 dosare penale, fiind cercetate 214 persoane.Dintre persoanele cercetate, 51 au fost trimise in judecata. Astfel, au ajuns sa raspunda in fata instantei trei membri ai Comitetului Central al Partidului Comunist Roman, un membru al Comitetului de partid al judetului Timis, trei inculpati din Departamentul Securitatii Statului, sase cadre ale Securitatii Judetului Timis, sase ofiteri si un subofiter MApN, precum si doi civili.Printre cei trimisi in judecata s-au aflat: Ion Coman, fost secretar al Comitetului Central al Partidului Comunist Roman, Radu Balan, fost prim secretar al Comitetului Judetean Timis al PCR, Ilie Matei, fost secretar al Comitetului Central al Partidului Comunist Roman si Cornel Pacoste, fost viceprim ministru. Toti au fost judecati pentru genocid.Peste 41.000 de persoane au fost audiate in dosarele RevolutieiActivitatea organelor judiciare cu privire la evenimentele din decembrie 1989 a presupus audierea a peste 41.000 de martori si persoane vatamate. De asemenea, in cazul a 3.500 de persoane s-a dispus efectuarea unor constatari medico-legale si trimiterea spre examinare la Institutul National de Medicina Legala si la laboratoare exterioare de medicina legala.Prin ordonanta s-a dispus efectuarea a peste 1.100 expertize balistice, au fost efectuate peste 10.000 de investigatii in teren si aproximativ 1.000 de cercetari la fata locului cu intocmirea proceselor-verbale.In timpul Revolutiei din decembrie 1989 au murit 1.104 persoane, din care 162 au fost ucise pana la 22 decembrie 1989, iar 942 dupa aceasta data. In Bucuresti au murit 543 persoane.De asemenea, au fost ranite 3.352 de persoane, din care 107 pana la 22 decembrie 1989, iar 2.245 dupa aceasta data. Dintre raniti, 1.879 sunt din Bucuresti, iar 1.473 din restul teritoriului.Din totalul de victime inregistrate dupa data de 22 decembrie 1989, 260 de decedati si 545 de raniti erau cadre ale Ministerului Apararii Nationale, iar 65 de decedati si 753 de raniti angajati ai Ministerului de Interne.Din datele de ancheta a reiesit ca 333 de decese si 648 de raniri au fost provocate de actiunile personalului subordonat Ministerului Apararii Nationale, iar 63 de decese si 46 de raniri au fost provocate de cadre ale Ministerului de Interne.Procurorii au intocmit peste 4.000 de dosare in legatura cu Revolutia din decembrie 1989In legatura cu evenimentele din decembrie 1989 au fost inregistrate 4.495 de dosare penale, din care 2.894 de dosare au fost intocmite la Sectia Parchetelor Militare si Parchetul Militar Bucuresti, iar 1.601 la parchetele militare din teritoriu.Din totalul acestor dosare, 3.135 au avut drept obiect uciderea sau ranirea unor persoane, din care 2.311 au fost inregistrate la Sectia Parchetelor Militare si la Parchetul Militar Bucuresti. Separat, parchetele civile au instrumentat 52 de dosare penale, toate avand ca obiectiv ucideri si raniri produse dupa data de 22 decembrie 1989.Pentru evenimentele din decembrie 1989, parchetele militare au trimis in judecata 245 inculpati in 112 dosare. Printre cei trimisi in judecata sunt 38 de ofiteri (din care sase generali), noua subofiteri si 35 de militari in termen din cadrul Ministerului Apararii Nationale; 85 de ofiteri (din care 12 generali), opt subofiteri si un militar in termen din cadrul Ministerului de Interne, iar 69 de inculpati sunt civili.

Miercuri, 16 Septembrie 2009, ora 22:46 Sursa: NewsIn

http://www.ziare.com/actual/eveniment/09-16-2009/procurorii-mai-au-in-lucru-doar-doua-dosare-ale-revolutiei-887694

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https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2010/12/22/22-decembrie-flight-of-the-ceausescus/

An excerpt from

A chapter from my Ph.D. Dissertation at Indiana University: Richard Andrew Hall, Rewriting the Revolution: Authoritarian Regime-State Relations and the Triumph of Securitate Revisionism in Post-Ceausescu Romania (defended 16 December 1996). This is the original chapter as it appeared then and thus has not been revised in any form.

The Role of the USLA in the Bucharest Repression of 21/22 December

(traducere in limba romana de catre Marius Mioc http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2010/11/01/rich-hall-rescrierea-istoriei-revolutiei-5bis-rolul-usla/ , http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2009/01/24/rich-andrew-hall-rescrierea-istoriei-revolutiei-triumful-revizionismului-securist-in-romania-6-22-decembrie-1989-ce-l-a-facut-pe-ceausescu-sa-fuga/ , http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2009/01/31/rich-andrew-hall-rescrierea-istoriei-revolutiei-triumful-revizionismului-securist-in-romania-7-ceausestii-in-timpul-fugii/ )

Nicolae Ceausescu ended up shortening his speech and scurrying off the balcony of the CC building while regime forces attempted to clear Palace Square. Demonstrators merely took to other parts of the city center. Two major points of confrontation between demonstrators and regime forces developed along the wide Magheru boulevard: the Roman Square and the University Square (site of the hulking concrete monstrosity known as the Intercontinental Hotel). The latter would be the scene of major bloodshed on the night of 21/22 December. At least 50 demonstrators were killed, almost 500 were injured, and as many as 1,200 were jailed on this night in Bucharest alone.[82]

Petre Mihai Bacanu’s seminal month-long series (”Intercontinental 21/22″) exploring the events of University Square is as puzzling as it is enlightening. Bacanu began his series on 14 March 1990, shortly after the new Defense Minister, General Victor Stanculescu, had reversed the official version of the USLA’s actions during the December events.[83] On 15 March 1990, Bacanu began interviewing three employees of the Intercontinental Hotel. They described how, after the ill-fated rally broke up, “USLA troops dressed in civilian clothes” chased after the demonstrators, fired “petarde” at them, and beat them.[84] In the following day’s episode of the interview, the issue of the USLA was not raised except in an unusual postscript in which Bacanu added: “We must clarify that the USLA detachments did not fire a single shot, nor arrest a single person among the columns of demonstrators.”[85]

On 17 March 1990, Bacanu felt compelled to preface the third part of the interview with the following statement:

In the course of this episode, esteemed readers, there are again references to the USLA. We have incontrovertible proof that the USLA soldiers had only one mission, to defend the American embassy and the El Al Israeli airlines offices [both located next to the Intercontinental Hotel].[86]

The same three interviewees who had only two days earlier described the USLA in a repressive posture now came forth with highly incongruent descriptions of the rapport between the crowd and the USLA later on the afternoon of 21 December. According to one of the interviewees:

I saw the incident when a student climbed behind one of them [the USLA soldiers] and kissed him and then offered flowers to those from the USLA. I also witnessed the scene in which the USLA officers received the flowers and held them in their hands.[87]

By 24 March 1990, Bacanu was asking his interlocutors questions such as this: “I have heard that the USLA were served tea. It was something civilized: they were also cold. Are you convinced that they did nothing wrong against you?”[88] On 18 April 1990 a new interviewee recounted how one of the USLA men had begun crying at the sight of the aforementioned girl (who, according to the source, was from Timisoara) distributing flowers to the USLA.[89]

Such a portrayal of the USLA’s behavior and the crowd’s view of the USLA lies in stark contrast with Emilian David’s description (published on 12 January 1990) of events taking place simultaneously less than a mile away at the other end of Magheru boulevard at Roman Square:

3:45 p.m. We are attacked with brutality by the USLA troops. Women and young girls scream, men and boys try to put up whatever resistance they can. They beat us mercilessly…

5:30 p.m. We are attacked again with even greater fury by the USLA troops. The “paddywagons” are filled with people.[90]

Later, after being forced to flee from the Roman Square, David eventually made his to the other end of the boulevard at University Square. David describes the presence of a cordon of USLA troops equipped with shields and clubs at this location. When gunfire erupted towards midnight, David suggests that these USLA “beasts” were among the gunmen. “The dead and wounded littered the streets,” according to David. Paul Vinicius also recalls the arrival of these “special troops” just after midnight: “Who are these beasts who shoot? They are young, and judging by the way they talk amongst themselves, they appear drugged. They shoot in anything that moves.”[91]

The charges drawn up by the Military Prosecutor in the trial of the former CPEx members (dated 4 June 1990) reiterate such allegations. According to this document, between 9 and 10 p.m. on the evening of 21 December at University Square, “the forces of repression composed of USLA, Militia, and Securitate [i.e. uniformed] troops began to encircle the crowd of demonstrators, forcibly detaining some of them whom they beat brutally, many being killed.”[92] The same document cites a witness, Spiru Radet, according to whom, at midnight “USLA troops equipped with helmets, shields, and clubs” followed a tank through the barricade erected by the protesters.[93] The witness continues: “…one of the USLA soldiers, who had a machine gun in his hand, fired a volley of warning shots and then began to shoot into the demonstrators.”[94]

Additionally, the transcripts of communications among USLA and Militia units reveal that USLA “intervention units” were dispatched to a number of locations in the city center on this afternoon of 21 December.[95] USLA operatives refer to having “restored order” in Palace Square after the end of the rally, and to their mission to “block” access to the American Embassy and El Al Israel offices (rather than to “defend” them as Bacanu had suggested).[96] Their attitude towards the demonstrators attempting to force their way into the official meeting was hardly supportive: “These hooligans must be annihilated at once. They are not determined. They must be taken quickly. The rest are hesitating.”[97] The question is less whether the “flower” episodes happened at all, or happened as they have been described, but why it was these particular incidents, rather than the incidents revealing the USLA’s brutality actions, which garnered publicity in 1990.

Interestingly, almost four years later, in December 1993, Bacanu appeared to reconsider his earlier unquestioning claims about the role of the USLA on the basis of “new” information brought forth by Army soldiers who had been in University Square on the night of 21/22 December. According to Bacanu:

Very many officers talk about these “civilians” in long raincoats or sheepskin coats [cojoace], who arrested demonstrators from within the crowd and then beat them brutally….No one has been interested until now in these tens of “civilians” with hats who shot through the pockets of their clothes….For a time we gave credence to the claims of the USLA troops that they were not present in University Square. We have now entered into the possession of information which shows that 20 USLA officers, under the command of Colonel Florin Bejan, were located…among the demonstrators. [Emphasis added][98]

One of the Army officers told Bacanu that during the evening

…a Militia vehicle arrived from which tens of men–who appeared almost as if they were brothers, in that they were all solidly-built, dressed in leather jackets, with hats on their heads–disembarked….These individuals had “short barrel” weapons and were from the Interior Ministry….They positioned themselves behind the cordon of shieldbearers and then shot from the pockets of their clothes into the demonstrators and dragged demonstrators out of the crowd…[99]

But what Bacanu termed “new revelations” were hardly new. In mid-January 1990, several Army recruits and officers referred to the actions of these “civilians” in interviews with reporters of the Army daily.[100] According to soldier Rudolf Suster:

About fifteen to twenty (dressed in civilian clothes, but one could tell that they were well-trained) disembarked from a single truck and passed in front of the soldiers with shields and when the tanks broke through the barricade which was on fire, they fired. I saw the flashes in front of their raincoats.[101]

Soldier Tiberiu Florea described a similar scene:

I also saw them. They had long raincoats or overcoats and they had guns hidden under them and they opened fire. They were in front of us, they couldn’t hide themselves from us. They didn’t all fire at the same time…One fired, then the other would.[102]

Furthermore, at the trial of Nicolae’s brother, Nicolae Andruta Ceausescu (director of the Securitate’s Baneasa Academy) in April 1990, military witnesses testified that “after the salvo of warning shots were fired, in the uproar produced, from behind us we saw civilians who were firing–I observed the movement of their clothes–hidden weapons through the pockets of their clothes.”[103] Significantly, former USLA commander, Colonel Gheorghe Ardeleanu, confirmed in a court statement that on 21 December the USLA had “performed their duties in civilian dress.”[104]

As in Timisoara in the preceding days, it appears that the USLA were acting in Bucharest in accordance with Order 2600. In early 1990, opposition journalist Vasile Neagoe argued just this point in his discussion of the events of 21/22 December 1989. According to Neagoe, “because in the meetings convened by Ceausescu it had been established that terrorists were involved in the street [events],” the provisions regarding “anti-terrorist warfare” in Order 2600 had been put into operation.[105] Indeed, we will recall that during his televised address on the evening of 20 December, Ceausescu had specifically denounced what was going on in the country as “terrorist actions.” Order 2600–and not the whimsical decisions of various commanders, as Stoian suggests–explains the presence of the USLA at the rally on 21 December and in Roman and University Squares on the night of 21/22 December.

Endnotes

[81].. Raportul Comisiei Senatoriale, “Cine a tras in noi, in 16-22?”

[82].. There were substantial numbers of dead and wounded in many other cities between the afternoon of 21 December and the morning of 22 December: especially in Cluj, Sibiu, Tirgu-Mures, and Cugir. For example, most of the 26 people killed and 105 injured in Cluj during the events were shot during this period.

[83].. It also followed on the heels of series by the editors of Tineretul Liber (Horia Alexandrescu) and Libertatea (Octavian Andronic) which had exonerated the USLA of wrongdoing in December.

[84].. Bacanu, “Intercontinental 21/22,” 15 March 1990, 1, 3.

[85].. Idem, 16 March 1990, 3.

[86].. Idem, 17 March 1990, 1.

[87].. Ibid., 2.

[88].. Idem, 24 March 1990, 1. Bacanu’s interviewees responded by describing the “flower” episode yet again.

[89].. Idem, 24 April 1990, 1, 3. For an equally dubious revision of the USLA’s role in the December events see Horia Alexandrescu, “Adevarul despre USLA [The truth about the USLA],” Tineretul Liber, 4-15 March 1990. In episode three (7 March 1990, “Flori pentru ‘uslasi’ [Flowers for the USLA troops”) demonstrators shout at the USLA troops “and you also are dying of hunger!” and place flowers in the epaulets and helmets of the USLA troops. The USLA unit merely attempted to prevent “elements who had escaped the control of the revolutionaries” from approaching the American embassy and had allowed demonstrators to paint anti-Ceausescu slogans on nearby walls. According to Alexandrescu, the USLA had been withdrawn in their entirety from the zone at 9:30 p.m., thus before gunfire was opened.

<!–[if !supportFootnotes]–>[90].. Emilian David, “Dreptate si adevar pentru ziua intii [Justice and truth on the first day],” Libertatea, 12 January 1990, 1, 2. At least eight people were killed at Roman Square. As if to almost confirm Emilian David’s allegations, three days later, the USLA commander during the events, Colonel Gheorghe Ardeleanu, responded in Libertatea with a public denial of David’s description. See Colonel Gheorghe Ardeleanu, “Precizari,” Libertatea, 15 January 1990, 3.

[91].. Paul Vinicius, “Remember 21-23 decembrie ‘89: Revolutia minut cu minut,” Flacara, no. 51 (19 December 1990), 7.

[92].. See Bunea, Praf in Ochi, 87.

[93].. Ibid., 88.

[94].. Ibid. The witness himself was injured as a result of this gunfire and later transported to the hospital.

[95].. See “Dintre sute de catarge,” Libertatea, 27/29/30/31 January 1990.

[96].. “Dintre sute de catarge,” 31 January 1990, 2.

[97].. “Dintre sute de catarge,” 29 January 1990, 2.

[98].. Petre Mihai Bacanu, “Au evacuat ‘materialele.’ Stropite cu sange [The got rid of “the materials” Covered with blood],” Romania Libera, 28 December 1993, 10. The reference to these civilian gunmen dressed in “sheepskin coats” (cojoace) brings back into discussion one of the articles from Horia Alexandrescu’s March 1990 series (”Adevarul despre USLA” [The truth about the USLA]) in Tineretul Liber exonerating the USLA of any wrongdoing for their actions in December. The title of the 6 March 1990 article–”‘Ace’ pentru ‘cojoacele’ teroristilor,” [‘Pins’ for the ‘sheepskin coats’ of the terrorists]–appears to bear no connection whatsoever to the article, which has no mention of “sheepskin coats” and does not even refer to the role of the USLA in University Square (events discussed in a later episode). Yet this clue and a number of others–including Alexandrescu’s introduction of this article as a “calmant,” an apparent reference to the treatment given to the drugged USLA after the events–suggest that in spite of the fact that the text of the article clears the USLA, Alexandrescu is fully conscious of the USLA’s guilt.

[99].. “Seful represiunii: maiorul Amariucai” in Bacanu, “Au evacuat ‘materialele’.”

[100].. Colonel Gh. Vaduva et. al., “Nici o pata sa nu planeze pe onoarea Armatei! [Not a stain can be placed on the Army’s honor]” Armata Poporului, no. 3 (17 January 1990), 1-2.

[101].. Ibid.

[102].. Ibid.

[103].. Captain Mihai Margineanu, “Un ‘inger’ cu aripile murdare [An ‘angel’ with dirty wings],” Armata Poporului, no. 15 (11 April 1990), 5. The witness, Lieutenant Colonel Teodor Amariucai, appears to bear his own share of the guilt for the bloodshed on the night of 21/22 December.

[104].. Stefanescu, Istoria Serviciilor Secrete, 288. The former Securitate once again appear to transfer their actions onto others in their discussion of the events in University Square. According to “a group of former Securitate officers,” the “tourists” took advantage “of the sound of shots fired in the air and resorted as in Timisoara to shooting the demonstrators in the back to produce victims to ‘mobilize’ Bucharest’s citizens.” See A Group of Former Securitate Officers, “Asa va place revolutia!”

[105].. Vasile Neagoe, “Noaptea cea mai lunga [The longest night],” Expres, no. 14-15 (May 1990), 15.

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #1 The Securitate Deny Foreign Instigation of the Timisoara Uprising

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #2 Shattered Glass: Securitate Vandalism to Justify Timisoara Crackdown

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #3 “Anti-terrorism” and Regime Repression

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #4 Timisoara Demonstrators Injured and Killed by Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #5 Timisoara (Podul Decebal) Evidence Suggests only the Securitate Had Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revoluion: #6 The Securitate Sends a Coded-Message to Its Undercovers in the Field (“Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare,” Scinteia Tineretului, 18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #7 Nicolae Ceausescu Leaves on a Less-than-spontaneous Trip to Iran (18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #8 Romania closes its borders to almost all foreigners…except Russian tourists returning from shopping trips to Yugoslavia (18-19 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #9 Ceausescu Regime Officials Involved before 22 December in Covering up Timisoara Repression…Remain Active after 22 December

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #10 The Protesters Conquer Timisoara as the Army Withdraws to Maintain Institutional Command and Control

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #11 Ceausescu Returns from Iran…and Apparently Not Empty-Handed

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #12 Ceausescu’s Fatal Mistake: A Pro-Regime Rally, Televised Live

Posted in decembrie 1989 | Tagged: , , , | 1 Comment »

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #12 Ceausescu’s Fatal Mistake: A Pro-Regime Rally, Televised Live

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 21, 2014

(purely personal views, based on two decades of prior research and publications)

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/03/12/cine-a-avut-ideea-organizarii-mitingului-din-21-decembrie-1989/

An excerpt from

A chapter from my Ph.D. Dissertation at Indiana University: Richard Andrew Hall, Rewriting the Revolution: Authoritarian Regime-State Relations and the Triumph of Securitate Revisionism in Post-Ceausescu Romania (defended 16 December 1996). This is the original chapter as it appeared then and thus has not been revised in any form.

Ceausescu’s Fatal Mistake: The Pro-Regime Rally of 21 December

It is informative to look back upon how the disruption of the rally was reported by foreign correspondents in Bucharest just after it had taken place. Shortly after the rally disbanded, a Bulgarian correspondent related that the cause of the commotion had been the use of “tear gas grenades” by regime forces attempting to prevent demonstrators from entering the square and the ensuing panic this had unleashed among those who were already in the square.[67] The correspondent suggested that the demonstrators had originally gathered near the Roman Square on Magheru boulevard and numbered in the thousands by the time they reached Palace Square where the speech was taking place.Similar reports come from the Yugoslav TANJUG correspondent who transmitted that demonstrators had gathered in the northwest corner of Palace Square near the Athenee Palace Hotel and that when they “tried to approach the official meeting, tear gas was thrown at them.”[68] According to the same correspondent, young men had begun to shout anti-Ceausescu slogans, were chased away by the Militia, and then proceeded through the side streets in order to get around to the other side of the meeting.[69] The Militia then used tear gas to prevent these demonstrators from joining the official meeting and it was after the “tear-gas bombs exploded that the live relay of radio and television was disrupted for several minutes.”[70]

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http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2013/06/28/cercetarile-parchetului-in-dosarul-revolutiei-11-bucuresti-busculada-de-la-mitingul-lui-ceausescu/

http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2009/01/13/rich-andrew-hall-rescrierea-istoriei-revolutiei-triumful-revizionismului-securist-in-romania-5-cine-a-aruncat-petarda/

Dar incidentul “petardei” şi tulburarea simultană ar putea avea o explicaţie mai simplă. Este folositor să revedem cum a fost raportată tulburarea mitingului de către corespondenţii de presă străini din Bucureşti, imediat după ce-a avut loc incidentul. Scurt timp după ce adunarea populară s-a destrămat, un ziarist bulgar a relatat că motivul tulburării a fost folosirea de grenade cu gaze lacrimogene de către forţele regimului pentru a împiedica demonstranţii să intre în piaţă şi panica pe care aceasta a dezlănţuit-o printre cei care erau deja în piaţă<Sofia Domestic Service, 1400 GMT 21 decembrie 1989, în FBIS-EEU-89-244, 21 decembrie 1989, pag. 71>. Ziaristul sugerează că demonstranţii s-au adunat iniţial lîngă Piaţa Romană pe bulevardul Magheru şi erau de ordinul miilor cînd au ajuns în Piaţa Palatului unde avea loc discursul [lui Ceauşescu].

Relatări similare vin de la ziaristrul agenţiei iugoslave Tanjug care a transmis că demonstranţii s-au adunat în colţul din nord-vest al Pieţii Palatului lîngă hotelul Athenee Palace, şi cînd “au încercat să se apropie de mitingul oficial, s-a aruncat cu grenade de gaz lacrimogen asupra lor”<Belgrade TANJUG Domestic Service, 1359 GMT 21 decembrie 1989, în FBIS-EEU-89-245, 22 decembrie 1989, pag. 77>. Conform aceluiaşi corespondent, bărbaţi tineri au început să strige lozinci anti-Ceauşescu şi cînd au fost alungaţi de miliţie au luat-o pe străzi laterale pentru a ajunge la o altă parte a mitingului<Belgrade Domestic Service, 1410 GMT 21 decembrie 1989, în FBIS-EEU-89-244, 21 decembrie 1989, pag. 70-71>. Miliţia a folosit atunci gaze lacrimogene pentru a-i împiedica pe aceşti demonstranţi să ajungă la mitingul oficial şi după ce “au explodat grenadele cu gaze lacrimogene, transmisia directă la radio şi televiziune a fost tulburată pentru cîteva minute”<Ibidem>.

Este semnificativ că şi martori oculari ai confruntărilor dintre forţele regimului şi demonstranţi din după-masa şi seara de 21 decembrie se referă la forţele regimului folosind “petarde” împotriva demonstranţilor<Băcanu, “Intercontinental 21/22”, România Liberă 15 martie 1990; 5 aprilie 1990; 19 aprilie 1990>. Un martor ocular al întîmplărilor din Piaţa Universităţii din 21 decembrie povesteşte că “Securitatea fugea după ei [demonstranţi] în grupuri şi folosea petarde şi bastoane contra lor”<Vezi comentariile lui Marcel Constantinescu în Băcanu, “Intercontinental 21/22”, România Liberă 15 martie 1990, pag. 3>. Mai mult, Rady a observat că în noaptea de 21/22 decembrie Securitatea “a detonat bombe în cîteva locuri cu speranţa că va răspîndi panica”<Rady, Romania in Turmoil, pag. 104>.

Care forţe ar fi putut folosi “petarde” şi grenade cu gaze lacrimogene împotriva demonstranţilor? În procesul său de la începutul lui 1990, ministrul de interne din perioada evenimentelor, Tudor Postelnicu, a afirmat că “USLA aveau grenade cu gaze lacrimogene” la miting<Emil Munteanu, “Postelnicu a vorbit neîntrebat”, România Liberă, 30 ianuarie 1990, pag. 3>.

©AFP Général – Jeudi 21 Décembre 1989 – 14:24 – Heure Paris (169 mots)
Roumanie Manifestations, lead.
    Manifestations de masse a Bucarest, selon Tanjug.
   BELGRADE, 21 dec (AFP – Des milliers de personnes manifestent a Bucarest dont le centre est bloque par d importantes forces militaires et policieres, a rapporte l agence Tanjug.
   Le ” meeting de soutien ” au president Ceausescu s est transforme en une manifestation d hostilite au regime, a indique le correspondant de l agence yougoslave.
   Des milliers de personnes scandent ” A bas Ceausescu ” et ” A bas les assassins ” .
   Le nombre de manifestants ne cesse de croitre, a indique l agence yougoslave.
   Selon le correspondant de l agence yougoslave, ces manifestations ont commence lors du meeting officiel lorsqu un groupe de jeunes a commence a temoigner son mecontement des le debut du discours de M. Ceausescu. La retransmission de ce discours a ete interrompue lorsque la police est intervenue au moyen de gaz lacrymogenes pour tenter d ecarter les jeunes gens. Le leader roumain a ete contraint de reduire la duree de son discours, ecrit l agence.
   HDP/MH/nl.
Tous droits réservés : ©AFP Général
E685C73DAC093F0DB6587F48B514C0AF33B78BAB
©AFP Général – Jeudi 21 Décembre 1989 – 16:38 – Heure Paris (348 mots)

Roumanie manifestation
La manifestation hostile au regime Ceausescu continue a Bucarest, selon la radio bulgare – SOFIA 21 dec (300 WORDS).
    La manifestation anti-gouvernementale continuait jeudi apres-midi a Bucarest ou des milliers de gens etaient toujours rassembles sur la place devant l hotel Intercontinental, selon des temoins oculaires cites par la radio bulgare.
   Un char et quatre vehicules blindes sont stationnes a cet endroit. La milice n est pas intervenue contre les personnes rassemblees pres de l hotel alors que les miliciens avaient attaque quelques heures plus tot les gens qui scandaient des slogans hostiles au chef du parti et de l Etat roumains, Nicolae Ceausescu, lors de la manifestation initialement organisee en soutien au ” Conducator ” , a-t-on precise de meme source.
   Les forces de l ordre avaient fait l usage de gaz lacrymogenes contre les manifestants qui avaient crie ” liberte ” et ” democratie ” lors du rassemblement qui s est transforme en manifestation hostile au regime, selon des employes de la compagnie bulgare Balkanair et l agence de voyage bulgare Balkantourist dont les bureaux sont a proximite de l hotel.
   L intervention des forces de l ordre a provoque un mouvement de panique au meeting officiel et le reportage en direct a ete interrompue pour cinq minutes a la television, selon ces memes sources. Les manifestants criaient ” assassins ” , ” a bas Ceausescu ” et ” nous ne sommes pas des fascistes ” .
   (Selon des informations anterieures donnees par les agences sovietique TASS et yougoslave Tanjug, la police et l armee ont ouvert le feu sur les manifestants dans le centre de Bucarest, faisant de nombreux blesses et probablement des morts, ont indique des temoins occulaires).
   Par ailleurs a Sofia, le personnel de l agence de presse bulgare BTA a proteste jeudi contre ” les repressions sanglantes par lesquelles le regime de Ceausescu essaie de prolonger son agonie politique. ” Dans une declaration, BTA demande a l assemblee nationale, au Conseil d Etat et au gouvernement de Bulgarie de tout faire ” pour aider les Roumains et garantir le respect de leurs droits conformement a l acte final d Helsinki. “.
   VS-STZ/jlb.
Tous droits réservés : ©AFP Général
4D05E2193CD5C0123E441166CFAE1FBCD3CACFD4

An excerpt from

A chapter from my Ph.D. Dissertation at Indiana University: Richard Andrew Hall, Rewriting the Revolution: Authoritarian Regime-State Relations and the Triumph of Securitate Revisionism in Post-Ceausescu Romania (defended 16 December 1996). This is the original chapter as it appeared then and thus has not been revised in any form.

Ceausescu’s Fatal Mistake: The Pro-Regime Rally of 21 December


By the morning of Thursday, 21 December 1989, the regime was no longer master of the situation in Timisoara. Moreover, it was rapidly losing control in several nearby cities: Lugoj and Cugir. Nevertheless, the regime might have withstood these challenges had it not been for Nicolae Ceausescu’s insistence on convoking a mass rally and addressing his “adoring” subjects in person. It was Nicolae Ceausescu’s delusion of his own invincibility which ensured that the regime would be unable to reestablish control. Ceausescu’s inflammatory, rambling tirade on national television on Wednesday evening had signalled panic to those who watched it. If Ceausescu was so worked up, they concluded, something serious must have occurred in Timisoara. Following his televised address, Ceausescu decided to hold an open-air, pro-regime rally the following day in the sprawling square in front of the Central Committee building in the center of Bucharest. The event was to be carried live over Romanian radio and television.

Precisely because this mass rally turned out to be the deathknell for the Ceausescu regime speculation has surrounded who “goaded” Ceausescu into making such a colossally-misguided decision. In January 1993, the opposition daily Romania Libera suggested that “the meeting was organized at the suggestion of [CPEx member] Gogu Radulescu.”[31] The same article maintained that Radulescu had been followed during these days and was “observed transmitting something abroad,” thereby once again insinuating the role of foreign powers in the Romanian events.[32]

Yet it is doubtful that Nicolae Ceausescu required Radulescu’s encouragement to convoke such a rally. It seems highly likely that the idea was Ceausescu’s own brainchild and that as usual the docile members of the CPEx did not dare contradict him. It was a typically instinctive, rash, and overconfident reaction to crisis on Ceausescu’s part. Moreover, as we have seen, for Nicolae Ceausescu the events confronting him in December 1989 were a replay of August 1968: not only was socialism at stake, but Romania’s national sovereignty and independence. Thus, in this crucial moment, he would appeal not primarily to the party’s political interests, but to what were the core institutional interests of the Securitate. And he would rely on a trusted totalitarian, mobilizational technique: the “spontaneous” mass rally of support for the regime.

The pro-regime rally began at midday on Thursday, 21 December 1989 as such events always had. Almost 100,000 workers, hand-picked from Bucharest’s major factories, had been herded into the center of Bucharest to await Ceausescu’s address from the balcony of the Central Committee building. There were the customary “spontaneous” chants in support of the dictator and his policies, and obsequious introductions by party underlings. Ceausescu had been speaking for only a few minutes when an unidentifiable disruption in the crowd forced him to pause in mid-sentence. It was now that the folly of his insistence that his address be broadcast live by television and radio was realized. Before the television and radio relays could be interrupted, a national audience was able to hear high-pitched screams and shouts of “Down with Ceausescu!” “Murderer!” and “Timisoara, Timisoara!” Even worse, television cameras had captured Ceausescu’s stunned and confused facial expression. About three minutes later, after some semblance of order had been restored in the square, the live broadcast resumed. Ceausescu announced that just that morning the CPEx had approved an increase in the minimum salary and pensions![33] Ceausescu was able to finish his speech, although shouting and commotion could still be heard sporadically in the background.

It is impossible to know how much the image of a frightened Ceausescu, futilely motioning to the crowd to quiet down, influenced those who saw it. However, the scope and boldness of protest against the regime clearly intensified after the broadcast of the dictator’s previously-unimaginable moment of weakness. Anti-regime demonstrations spread throughout the major cities of Transylvania–Brasov, Sibiu, Cluj, and Tirgu Mures–on the afternoon of 21 December. It did not matter that a sufficient degree of order had been reestablished such that Ceausescu was indeed able to finish his speech or that Romanian television would rebroadcast the same speech later that evening with pro-Ceausescu chants dubbed-in over the commotion. Irreparable damage had been done.

Observers have argued that those brief, but seemingly interminable seconds during which the television camera broadcast Nicolae Ceausescu’s disbelief and helplessness live to an entire nation, constituted a sort of “singular psychological moment,” something akin to a rock shattering a mirror. What had prompted Ceausescu’s reaction? Initially, most accounts stressed how several people in the crowd had begun shouting anti-Ceausescu slogans.[34] Fearing they would be caught, they then rushed through the crowd. The other members of the crowd were frightened by this unexpected act of courage and themselves attempted to flee. The great commotion which viewers had heard before the transmission had been cut, was the sound of these people trying to force their way out of the square. Many later explanations have maintained, however, that these events were merely a response to the initial act of defiance: the setting-off of firecrackers (”petarde” in Romanian) by someone in the crowd. Only then did demonstrators take advantage of the confusion and anonymity of the moment to shout down Ceausescu. In both cases, the spontaneity of the catalytic event has been drawn into question.

Nica Leon: The Strange Tale of the “Hero” of the 21 December Rally

Because the interruption of Ceausescu’s speech proved such a turning point in the December events, it was natural that in early 1990 the newly-liberated media should try to find the person or persons responsible for “unleashing the Bucharest revolution.” In a series of interviews during March and April 1990, Petre Mihai Bacanu, senior editor of Romania Libera, introduced the nation to a group of factory workers whom he presented as the “heroes” of the 21 December rally.[35] Bacanu was widely-viewed both at home and abroad as the “conscience” of the journalistic profession (a journalist for Romania Libera before the events, he had been imprisoned between January and December 1989 for his involvement with two other people in an attempt to print an illegal underground newspaper) and his newspaper was the hub of the growing political and social opposition to the National Salvation Front regime.

Thanks in large part to Bacanu, one of these workers in particular, Nica Leon, was to become identified as the man who had dared to shout down Ceausescu.[36] Leon was presented as having yelled out “Long live Timisoara, down with the butcher, down with Ceausescu!” and “Timisoara, Timisoara” at the crucial moment during Ceausescu’s speech. Highly-respectable foreign sources such as Ratesh credit Leon by name with having disrupted the 21 December rally.[37]

In the months immediately following December 1989, Nica Leon certainly appeared every bit the hero. It turned out that on 20 December 1989, the day before his historic shout, the Toronto daily The Globe and Mail had printed an open letter by Nica Leon criticizing Ceausescu’s rule.[38] This fact seemed confirmation of the courage of his action on 21 December. During 1990, Leon was the president of a small political party, a founding member of the Romanian branch of Amnesty International, and a prominent critic of the Iliescu regime.[39] During the chaotic and violent events of 13-15 June 1990 which brought an end to the two-month occupation of University Square by demonstrators, he was arrested and over the following month and a half was the object of an eventually-successful campaign spearheaded by Romania Libera to gain his release. The opposition embraced him with open arms and he regularly appeared in interviews with the opposition press.

Yet in the ensuing years, the opposition clearly soured on Nica Leon and he broke with them in as definitive a manner as imaginable. By 1992, one opposition publication was describing Nica Leon as “at war with the whole world” and it was clear from the questions and comments of opposition journalists that they no longer held him in the high esteem they once had.[40] Ilie Stoian’s 1993 description of Leon’s role at the 21 December rally reflects this changed perception of Leon: “Just then Nica Leon took advantage of the protection offered by the uproar and yelled ‘Timisoara’…after which he ran away out of fear.”[41] Leon’s heroism had apparently become contingent upon his relationship with the opposition.

On the surface, Leon himself appeared to have undergone a striking metamorphosis: from being a fixture of the opposition to granting interviews to the press of the Ceausescu nostalgics. In early 1994, the very same Nica Leon could be found in the pages of Europa praising the Securitate and virtually lamenting the overthrow of Ceausescu which his actions had hastened.[42] He strenuously defended the actions of the Securitate Director, General Iulian Vlad, in December 1989 as honest and patriotic. How had a person the opposition had presented as a dissident for a decade prior to the December events, an unrelenting foe of the Securitate, and the hero of the 21 December rally come to this?

What is interesting about Leon is that his views on certain key issues about the December 1989 have remained remarkably consistent in spite of his flip-flop from one end of the political spectrum to the other. Leon’s defense of–and sympathy for–General Vlad was not something which had suddenly appeared after he crossed over to the Ceausist camp. It appears in the interviews he gave the opposition press in 1990.[43] Moreover, Leon strenuously denied the existence of any “terrorists” during the December events. In April 1990, he told Expres that “the terrorists were invented.”[44] In September 1990, Leon told Liviu Valenas and Daniela Rainov at Baricada that “Everything [in December 1989] was a grand diversion! THERE WEREN’T ANY TERRORISTS!” and that Vlad had been arrested because he possessed damaging information against the Front.[45]

In his interviews with Petre Mihai Bacanu at Romania Libera in April 1990, Nica Leon also mentioned several episodes which placed the Securitate and Militia in a surprisingly positive light. He maintained that during the showdown between protesters and regime forces in University Square on the afternoon of 21 December, he had spoken with a Militia sergeant major who had “wished us [the protesters] success.”[46] He also claimed that he had helped an injured Militia man to safety on this evening.[47] Leon chatted with the USLA troops at University Square and characterized their actions as follows:

…the USLA were blocking the street leading to the American Embassy and the Israeli airline company El Al. The USLA did not attack the crowd, but rather stood chatting with the demonstrators and explaining to them that they could not join them because they had an order to stay between the French Bank and the Intercontinental Hotel.[48]

As we shall see, other eyewitness accounts of these events challenge Leon’s portrayal of the USLA.

But clearly the most damaging fact about Nica Leon was the one Petre Mihai Bacanu neglected to inform his audience of: the hero of the Bucharest Revolution had been arrested as a “terrorist” on 24 December 1989. Leon had been discovered in the basement of the Central Committee building, attempting to transmit something through a radio-transmitting device belonging to the Securitate’s Fifth Directorate.[49] One might be inclined to believe that Leon had been the victim of a tragic misunderstanding were it not for a series of articles written by a former officer of the Fifth Directorate in the Ceausist publication Timpul during early 1991.[50] The former Securitate officer presented the saga of a group of those arrested as “terrorists” during the December events: among them, other officers of the Fifth Directorate, USLA members, a Jordanian student, and Nica Leon. Leon is credited with having sustained the morale of the other prisoners. According to the Fifth Directorate officer: “Nica Leon encouraged us and frequently repeated that if he escaped, he would testify for us all the way to the UN.”[51] Moreover, Leon is praised for having contacted the wives of the Fifth Directorate officers–to tell them that their husbands were still alive–after he was released on 30 December 1989. Other Securitate officers confirm Nica Leon’s presence among the arrestees.[52]

Even prior to Bacanu’s interview with Leon, there were indications that Leon was a less than completely credible source. In February 1990, Leon had given an interview to Democratia, the publication of one of Ceausescu’s most notorious former speechwriters, Eugen Florescu.[53] Surprisingly, since this was one of Leon’s first interviews since the events, there was no mention of his famous shout at the 21 December rally. In its issue of 9 March 1990, the popular Expres had made a coy reference to Leon’s arrest (while using a radio-transmitting device) in the CC building.[54] Moreover, at a meeting of the ruling Provisional Council of National Unity in early 1990, Front official Dan Iosif is said to have referred to Leon’s arrest and called him either a “securist” or “terrorist.”[55]

Nica Leon remains an enigma. It is difficult to say exactly what he was really up to on 21 December 1989. People in the crowd did indeed shout “Timisoara, Timisoara,” for it could be heard on the television broadcast. If Leon did shout it, was he the first to do so? If not, what was his motivation for shouting it? Was his shout a genuine act of individual courage at the time? Was he perhaps acting as a Securitate provocateur–someone who wished to infiltrate the protesters’ ranks–on 21 December 1989? As with other aspects of the December events, the historiography of what happened is as important as–if not more important than–what actually happened. In the case of Nica Leon, the historiography at the very least suggests a highly-manipulative portrayal of his actions in December 1989.

Who Threw the “petarde”?

Many sources have suggested that it was the explosion of a “petarde” (or firecracker) and a simultaneous commotion in the square which startled Ceausescu and made it possible for the demonstrators to yell the anti-Ceausescu slogans. Once again the discrepancy between the reporting on this incident and the reality of what appears to have happened is informative. The report of the first Senatorial commission investigating the December events (published in 1992) maintains that “while [Ceausescu] was speaking, an explosion was heard and caused substantial commotion. Shortly after this, the meeting disbanded in disorder.”[56] Stoian describes the “petarde” incident as follows:

…[then] Ceausescu took the floor. At that moment the thing which appears to us the most important event of this period occurred. It is not true that the crowd began to boo spontaneously. While Ceausescu was stumbling through a phrase up on the balcony, somewhere in the center of the Square, where there were mostly women, someone exploded a Christmas ‘petarde’ [o petarda de genul celor de Craciun]. The first reaction of these frightened women was to begin to scream. Then, all those around them began to boo.[57]

Romanians have occasionally referred to this as “the petarde of our happiness.”[58]

Part of the problem with the “petarde” scenario stems from the fact that there is no agreement upon who exploded it and no one has come forward to claim responsibility for this historic action. Nevertheless, many names have been put forward in connection with it.[59] Securitate sources clearly wish to suggest that the setting-off of this “petarde” and the causes of the commotion which ensued were part of a premeditated plan to disrupt the rally. Once again, they attempt to negate the spontaneity of the anti-Ceausescu uprising. A journalist for the Ceausist journal Democratia wrote in December 1990:

…It must be stressed that during this rally long-studied methods for the psychological manipulation of compact crowds–acoustic sounds with subliminal messages transmitted through the loudspeaker system (imitating the rumble of an earthquake, the noise of troops and tanks and gunfire); the movement of some groups through the square with the intention of dislocating the crowd; petardes–were applied.[60]

According to “a group of former Securitate officers,” the “tourists” and their domestic collaborators made their way from Timisoara to Bucharest and infiltrated the meeting. The “tourists” attempted to scare those in the crowd into believing that “they were under fire” by jabbing them in the back with “reinforced steel prongs…against the background of the noise of fire-crackers and the short-circuiting of the public address loudspeakers.”[61] Interestingly, this is how a former USLA officer has portrayed the event:

On 21 December 1989 I was taking part in the antiterrorist measures for the “goodbye” meeting. In the crowd, I identified and observed eight strange men: all were dressed approximately the same (knee-length woolen coats, hats), all were smoking at the same time, standing in a group. Some looked slavic, others asiatic. At a given moment, they took out from their pockets globe-shaped objects, lit them with their cigarettes, and threw them into the crowd; in the globes there were firecrackers which put the crowd to flight.[62]

The SRI’s 1994 report on the events suggests that the “powerful thunder claps” which were heard could have come from the detonation of a “petarde” and that the “sonic boom”-like sound which occurred came not from the crowd, but from the loudspeakers.[63] The panic among the crowd was caused by the transmission of high-pitched soundwaves (outside the range of human hearing) and by the fact that unidentified demonstrators were prodding the others with steel poles while shouting “Run away, they will kill us!” and “The tanks are coming!”[64]

Opposition accounts incorporate familiar elements. The influential journalist Cornel Nistorescu places the “petarde” incident in the context of a coup d’etat supported by a faction within the Securitate:

Simultaneously, at the meeting of 21 December, according to incontrovertible information, a Securitate officer launched the two petardes which provoked panic and unleashed the redemption of Bucharest’s citizens. Meanwhile, through the loudspeaker system controlled by the Securitate, boos and whistles were disseminated.[65]

Ecaterina Radoi of Zig-Zag suggests that the unbelievable panic which ensued was the result of the emission of sounds resembling the rumble of tanks and machine gun fire.[66]

But the “petarde” incident and the simultaneous commotion may have a simpler explanation. It is informative to look back upon how the disruption of the rally was reported by foreign correspondents in Bucharest just after it had taken place. Shortly after the rally disbanded, a Bulgarian correspondent related that the cause of the commotion had been the use of “tear gas grenades” by regime forces attempting to prevent demonstrators from entering the square and the ensuing panic this had unleashed among those who were already in the square.[67] The correspondent suggested that the demonstrators had originally gathered near the Roman Square on Magheru boulevard and numbered in the thousands by the time they reached Palace Square where the speech was taking place.

Similar reports come from the Yugoslav TANJUG correspondent who transmitted that demonstrators had gathered in the northwest corner of Palace Square near the Athenee Palace Hotel and that when they “tried to approach the official meeting, tear gas was thrown at them.”[68] According to the same correspondent, young men had begun to shout anti-Ceausescu slogans, were chased away by the Militia, and then proceeded through the side streets in order to get around to the other side of the meeting.[69] The Militia then used tear gas to prevent these demonstrators from joining the official meeting and it was after the “tear-gas bombs exploded that the live relay of radio and television was disrupted for several minutes.”[70]

Significantly, eyewitness accounts of the confrontations between regime forces and demonstrators on the afternoon and evening of 21 December refer to regime forces firing “petardes” at the demonstrators.[71] One eyewitness to the events in University Square on the afternoon of 21 December recounts that “the Securitate ran after them [the demonstrators] in groups and used ‘petardes’ and clubs against them.”[72] Moreover, Rady has observed that on the night of 21/22 December, the Securitate “[i]n a few places…detonated bombs in the hope of spreading panic.”[73]

Which forces would have used the “petardes” and tear-gas against the demonstrators? During his trial in early 1990, the Interior Minister at the time of the events, Tudor Postelnicu, stated that “the USLA were in charge of tear-gas” at the rally.[74] Stoian has noted the difference between the 21 December rally and past rallies in his typically colorful tone:

In the first place, how striking it was that if in the past at the meetings to which Bucharest’s citizens were all too well-accustomed, people were indifferent–indeed, some were even happy since they would get three or four hours of work off–now nobody was smiling. Almost everybody entered [the square] in an ill-omened silence. A completely new element was the verification of identity papers of most people on the streets on this occasion; those who did not belong to the groups of workers [chosen to participate] were politely made to exit the columns…After the Palace Square was full, something unexpected happened. If in the past, the ring of civilians (Securitate men, party activists) and Militia men [around the crowd at such an event] would not permit those bored of listening to Ceausescu’s idiocies to leave, this time things were completely the other way around….Anyone who wanted to leave could, but no one from outside the ring could enter the protected zone.[75]

Eyewitnesses have specifically identified the forces preventing their entrance into the square as “USLA troops.”[76]

The partial transcripts of communications among USLA and Militia units on 21 and 22 December in Bucharest were published in late January-early February 1990 in the daily Libertatea.[77] These transcripts suggest that even before the rally had begun, large groups of demonstrators had gathered at a number of the intersections leading onto Palace Square, were shouting anti-regime slogans, and were taxing the capacity of the regime forces to prevent them from entering the square.[78] The demonstrators apparently realized well the tremendous opportunity offered them by the live national broadcast of this rally. Thus, the impression left by most accounts–that it was a few, isolated, brave men, within a crowd of tens of thousands of automatons, who had dared to challenge Ceausescu–is simply romanticized. The actions of those prevented from entering the meeting probably emboldened those in the crowd to shout down Ceausescu.

The transcripts also show that on the order of Securitate Director General Vlad, the USLA used “gela” (the Securitate reference for “petardes”) against the demonstrators.[79] Ilie Stoian alleges that General Grigore Ghita, the commander of the Securitate’s uniformed troops, “violated his brief” when he incorporated units of the USLA, including a “geniu-chimic” unit (which would have been in charge of tear-gas), among the regime forces assigned to work the rally.[80] Yet such an action does seem in accordance with Interior Ministry Order No. 2600. Moreover, even the Senatorial commission’s report illustrates that the security for the rally of 21 December was left almost entirely in the hands of the Securitate, and that General Vlad’s deputy, General Gianu Bucurescu, was given personal charge of the rally.[81]

It appears then that a key factor contributing to the disruption of Ceausescu’s speech was the attempt by regime forces to hold off anti-Ceausescu demonstrators from entering Palace Square. This commotion and confusion so changed the complexion of the rally that those among the crowd handpicked to attend took advantage of the opportunity and suddenly switched from chanting pro-Ceausescu slogans to jeering and booing the dictator. It is possible that the “petarde” at the rally was launched by the Securitate, but it is unlikely it did so as an act of defiance against the dictator. The “petarde” may have been used to prevent protesters from entering the square or to disorient the crowd and mask the sound of the anti-Ceausescu slogans. The disruption of the rally may therefore have been far less “organized” than has commonly been presumed.

[31].. R.M., “Dezvaluiri [Revelations],” Romania Libera, 19 January 1993, 1. Radulescu died in 1994.

[32].. Ibid. Presumably that foreign power would have been the Soviet Union.

[33].. Nicolae was probably improvising. A tape of the rally broadcast on a Bucharest FM radio station in December 1993 recorded Elena yelling at her husband: “Promise them something! Promise them anything!”

[34].. Rates, Romania: The Entangled Revolution, 39; Rady, Romania in Turmoil, 100.

[35].. See the series “Intercontinental 21/22″ in Romania Libera, especially for 31 March 1990, 1 April 1990, 2 April 1990, 5 April 1990, and 6 April 1990. There is no reason to believe that those Bacanu presented did not actually shout down Ceausescu at the rally. The issue is the context in which Bacanu chose to present their actions.

[36].. Leon’s notoriety also apparently stemmed from his exposure in a well-known documentary series entitled “Noaptea Generalilor” [The Night of the Generals] which appeared on Romanian television during 1990. This television series was also produced by Petre Mihai Bacanu.

[37].. Ratesh, Romania: The Entangled Revolution, 39.

[38].. Nicola Leon, “You took away our rights and gave us lice and fear,” The Globe and Mail, 20 December 1989, A7. In spite of the slight difference in name, Nica Leon has claimed that this is his letter and there seems little reason to doubt that this is the case. Nicola Leon is described as a “34-year old mechanical engineer living in Bucharest,” details which generally fit with Nica Leon’s background. It is unclear when this open letter arrived at the newspaper.

[39].. See, for example, his comments in Sorin Rosca Stanescu, “Mai putine flori, mai multi participanti,” Romania Libera, 24 April 1990, 3.

[40].. Nica Leon, interview by editorial board, “Nica Leon in razboi cu toata lumea,” Flacara, no. 34 (26 August 1992), 4-5.

[41].. Stoian, Decembrie ‘89, 23.

[42].. Nica Leon, interview by Angela Bacescu, Europa, March-April 1994, 2, 3. Bacescu introduced Leon as president of the Liberal Democratic Party and member of Amnesty International (!). Among the many dubious claims in this interview is the allegation that Elena Ceausescu had been plotting a coup d’etat against her husband set for 30 December 1989.

[43].. See, for example, Nica Leon, interview by Liviu Valenas and Daniela Rainov, “Lovitura de palat din Romania [The Palace Coup in Romania],” Baricada, no. 36 (18 September 1990), 3.

[44].. Rasvan Popescu, “Moda lui Jos,” Expres, no. 13 (27 April-3 May 1990), 2. For the significance of his denial of the existence of the “terrorists” see chapters seven and eight.

[45].. Leon, interview, “Lovitura de Palat.”

[46].. Bacanu, “Intercontinental 21/22,” 5 April 1990, 3.

[47].. Bacanu, “Intercontinental 21/22,” 6 April 1990.

[48].. Ibid.

[49].. Leon proudly admits to this in Leon, interview, “Lovitura de palat.”

[50].. See the six-part series by Maiorul A.D. (apparently Major Aurel David, who was one of four Fifth Directorate officers tried and acquitted in March 1990) entitled “Scenariile si Realitatea. Marturie la dosarul ‘Teroristi’,” which appeared between January and March 1991 in Timpul. It is significant to note that when this series appeared Nica Leon was still a welcome member of the opposition.

[51].. Maiorul A.D., “Scenariile si Realitatea (VI),” Timpul, 1 March 1991, 11.

[52].. Bacescu, Din Nou in Calea, 161. USLA officer Romulus Garz refers to “officer David (one of four officers from Ceausescu’s guard)” and to the presence of Nica Leon among the prisoners he was held together with. Garz was arrested after the famous incident in front of the Defense Ministry on the night of 23/24 December–discussed in chapter seven.

[53].. See the interview with Nica Leon in Democratia, no. 4 (12 February 1990).

[54].. See Expres, 9 March 1990, 8.

[55].. Valenas and Rainov did raise this issue with Leon in Leon, “Lovitura de palat.” However, they refused to challenge his answers and almost appeared to embrace them. While Leon was still aligned with the opposition, the regime-supportive press alleged that he had been a Securitate informer code-name “Nelutu.” The allegation appeared in the Ceausist Romania Mare, and the daily Azi, closely-linked to then Prime Minister Petre Roman, see Expres Magazin, no. 32 (13-20 August 1991), 2. Nica Leon himself–almost proudly–lists all the allegations launched against him (including that he was related to the Ceausescus) in Leon, “Nica Leon in razboi cu toata lumea,” Flacara, no. 34 (26 August 1992), 4. He avoids commenting on their validity, however.

[56].. Raportul Comisei Senatoriale pentru cercetarea evenimentelor din decembrie 1989, “Cine a tras in noi, in 16-22?” Romania Libera, 27 May 1992, 5.

[57].. Stoian, Decembrie ‘89: Arta Diversiunii, 23. It was only after this, Stoian maintains, that Nica Leon delivered his famous shout.

[58].. Tudorel Urian, “Cabala Teroristilor,” Cuvintul, no. 20 (13 June 1990), 4.

[59].. The suspects are legion: The dubious Nica Leon claims that a 60-year old man named Andrei Ilie, “who kissed Iliescu when he arrived at the CC [building on 22 December],” threw the petarde (Leon, interview, “Nica Leon in razboi.”). Opposition journalist A. Corneliu Giagim writes that the “author” of the petarde was Matei Ilie who had assembled it out of an aerosol can (A. Corneliu Giagim, “16-22, Cine-a tras in noi?!” Baricada, no. 49-50 (18 December 1990), 6.). In early 1990, Petre Mihai Bacanu confidentially stated that a young man named Adrian Constantin had thrown the petarde (Bacanu, “Intercontinental 21/22,” 31 March 1990, 1.). Whereas Bacanu had been able to interview Nica Leon and the young aviation mechanics who had started the chants against Ceausescu, he had been unable to track down Constantin to speak with him. Dan Iosif, the Front official who accused Leon of being a “terrorist,” has also been proposed as the source of the petarde (Expres Magazin, no. 30 (20-26 February 1991), 8.). There are likely others who have been credited with this act.

[60].. C. Maltese Martine Ui (possibly a pseudonym), “De la ‘Jos Ceausescu!’ am ajuns la ‘Jos Romania!’ Dubla Lovitura impotriva Romaniei” Democratia, no. 48 (December 1990), 3.

[61].. A Group of Former Securitate Officers, “Asa va place revolutia! Asa a fost!” Democratia, no. 36 (24-30 September 1990), 4. Also, see a translation of this article in FBIS-EEU-90-207, 25 October 1990, 50-53.

[62].. “S.V., reserve USLA officer” (perhaps Strat Vintila, based on other accounts), in Pavel Corut, Floarea de Argint (Bucharest: Editura Miracol, 1994), 171. In fact, the description of these men as wearing knee-length woolen coats and hats makes them sound suspiciously like the Securitate and the USLA themselves, as we shall see later.

[63].. “Fapte care trimit la o actiune premeditata a unor ‘actori’ din afara (II),” Curierul National, 10 July 1994, 2.

[64].. Ibid. Former deputy prime minister and senator, Gelu Voican Voiculescu, makes similar allegations. He claims that the explosion was caused by a “handcrafted petarde” (”o petarda artizanala”) made from an aerosol can. He too suggests that the panic was intensified by the “perhaps purposeful” malfunction of the loudspeaker system and the emission of a terrifying sound which resembled the “rumbling of tanks.” Voiculescu adds that “it is also possible…that there was a type of ‘acoustic bomb.’” Gelu Voican Voiculescu, interview by Neti Luchian and Val. Voiculescu, “‘Haosul nostru i-a paralizat (I),” Libertatea, 16 July 1991.

[65].. Cornel Nistorescu, “Complot sau conspiratie cu pretentii la putere? [Plot or conspiracy with pretensions to power]” Cuvintul, no. 20 (13 June 1990), 5.

[66].. Ecaterin Radoi, “Remember 15 decembrie 1989 – 20 mai 1990,” Zig-Zag, no. 190 (23-31 December 1993), 4-7.

[67].. Sofia Domestic Service, 1400 GMT 21 December 1989, in FBIS-EEU-89-244, 21 December 1989, 71.

[68].. Belgrade TANJUG Domestic Service, 1359 GMT 21 December 1989, in FBIS-EEU-89-245, 22 December 1989, 77.

[69].. Belgrade Domestic Service, 1410 GMT 21 December 1989, in FBIS-EEU-89-244, 21 December 1989, 70-71.

[70].. Ibid.

[71].. See accounts in Bacanu, “Intercontinental 21/22,” 15 March 1990; 5 April 1990; 19 April 1990.

[72].. See the comments of Marcel Constantinescu in Bacanu, “Intercontinental 21/22,” 15 March 1990, 3.

[73].. Rady, Romania in Turmoil, 104.

[74].. Emil Munteanu, “Postelnicu a vorbit neintrebat [Postelnicu spoke without being asked to],” Romania Libera, 30 January 1990, 3.

[75].. Stoian, Decembrie ‘89: Arta Diversiunii, 22. Stoian’s “spin” on this event, however, is that people were not allowed to enter the square because “something was being awaited,” thus insinuating that the disruption of the rally was organized in advance.

[76].. See the comments of Nistor Ruxandoiu in Gheorghe Ionita, “Culcati-i la pamint!” Adevarul de Duminica, 14 January 1990, 2.

[77].. Published in Libertatea between 27 January and 15 February 1990 under the heading “Dintre sute de…catarge! Revolutia ascultata prin statie [From…hundreds of “masts” (radio identification for USLA officers conducting surveillance) Scanning the Revolution].” Such recordings could have come from only one source: the former Securitate. Interestingly, with the exception of one episode (3 February 1990), all of these communications come from the afternoon of 21 December or morning of 22 December. There are no communications for the USLA from 3:30 p.m. 21 December until 8 a.m. 22 December–the period during which regime forces opened fire on the demonstrators.

[78].. “Dintre sute de catarge,” 27 January 1990; 29 January 1990.

[79].. “Dintre sute de catarge,” 30 January 1990, 2. An anonymous editor defines the meaning of “gela” as “petarde” at the close of this episode. Stefanescu confirms the use of “petardes” in his statement that the USLA commander, Colonel Gheorghe Ardeleanu, was seen at the Central Committee building shouting to a subordinate “Give me ‘Gela’…Give me ‘Gela’.” According to Stefanescu, ‘Gela’ was the name of a “petarde” used by the USLA in the repression of demonstrators. Paul Stefanescu, Istoria Serviciilor Secrete Romanesti (Bucharest: Editura Divers Press, 1994), 287.

[80].. Stoian, Decembrie ‘89: Arta Diversiunii, 21.

[81].. Raportul Comisiei Senatoriale, “Cine a tras in noi, in 16-22?”

Timisorenii au “stricat” mitingul din 21 decembrie
Marti, 15 decembrie 2009 Sursa: Romania Libera Autor: Petre Mihai Bacanu

Mult timp nu s-a stiut cine a “stricat” mitingul lui Ceausescu din 21 decembrie 1989. Au aparut fel si fel de personaje care si-au arogat acest merit. Acum se stie ca acest fapt se datoreaza unor grupuri de timisoreni care s-au deplasat la Bucuresti. Satui de lupta, nu mai aveau frica si, practic, au fost nevoiti sa plece din Timisoara ca sa anunte ce se petrece acolo. La Timisoara se strigase “Lasilor, veniti cu noi!”, timisorenii avand impresia ca romanii ies greu la Revolutie. Suntem in posesia unor
marturii despre implicarea timisorenilor in declansarea scanteii de la Bucuresti.

Acuza ca i-a fost ucis sotul la Timisoara
ION ION, prelucrator prin aschiere IEI Bucuresti, 19 ani (in 1989): “In dimineata zilei de 21 decembrie 1989, o mare parte din lucratori se aflau la miting in Piata Palatului. Dupa un timp, am plecat si eu in oras. In timp ce ma deplasam pe Calea Victoriei spre Piata Palatului, sa fi fost ora 12.00, am vazut ca strada era blocata de un cordon de militieni in dreptul Hotelului Bucuresti.


M-am alaturat unui grup de civili care doreau sa treaca de acest cordon, incercand sa discutam cu cei din dispozitiv. O femeie din grupul nostru a strigat disperata, acuzand ca i-a fost ucis sotul la Timisoara. A fost retinuta de un militian. In momentul in care acesta a inceput s-o loveasca cu bastonul, au intervenit mai multi civili, creandu-se astfel un conflict deschis intre noi si militieni. In scurt timp a luat amploare, implicandu-se mai multi civili, iar din partea fortelor de ordine facandu-si aparitia un cordon de militari ai Armatei care s-au postat in fata militienilor si ne-au somat spunand ca vor face uz de arma.



Dupa un timp, au tras cu armele in plan vertical. S-a creat o ambuscada, noi, civilii, alergand in directia opusa acestora. In dreptul coltului din dreapta hotelului si-au facut aparitia trei camioane militare cu prelata, din care au coborat soldati cu casti albe cu vizeta si arme automate cu pat rabatabil. Ne-au blocat retragerea. Am fost imobilizat de patru soldati care m-au lovit cu patul armei in zona occipitala, apoi cu bocancii in toate partile corpului. Tot timpul eram filmati de la o fereastra a hotelului – etajul doi sau trei. A aparut in zona Postelnicu, care i-a spus unui civil care-l insotea sa ma impuste, insa a intervenit unul dintre soldatii care ma retinuse. Am fost dusi la Circa 1 Militie, batuti din nou, in final transferati la Jilava”.

Timisorenii s-au pierdut printre cei adusi la miting
DUMITRU SMEDESCU, colonel, lucra la Serviciul asigurare tehnico-materiala si financiara la Militia Capitalei. Aflase despre evenimentele de la Timisoara de la colegii sai. In ziua de 21.12.1989, la ora 6.00, a primit un telefon sa se prezinte imediat la serviciu, deoarece urma sa aiba loc un miting in Piata Palatului. Era seful unui dispozitiv compus din 20 de ofiteri care au luat pozitie la aproximativ 270 metri de intrarea principala in CC, in apropierea actualei statui a lui Iuliu Maniu. De organizarea mitingului s-au ocupat cei de la Armata, colonelului Smedescu parandu-i-se curios, deoarece la alte mitinguri de organizare se ocupau cadre ale Securitatii si Militiei. Difuzoarele dispuse in Piata Palatului au fost aduse de cei de la Armata. Dispozitivul de comanda se afla amplasat in incinta Bibliotecii Universitare.



“In jurul orei 12.00, in timp ce Ceausescu facea referire la evenimentele de la Timisoara si la marirea salariilor, s-a auzit un zgomot puternic, iar lumea a intrat in panica. Initial, pentru mitingul ce urma sa inceapa la ora 8.00 au fost solicitate sa participe anumite persoane, in special membri de partid. Amanandu-se pentru ora 10.00, nu au mai fost doar persoanele selectate initial. In spatele Palatului Regal au sosit mai multi cetateni de la Timisoara, care s-au pierdut printre cei ce participau la miting si au inceput sa scandeze lozinci anticomuniste si anticeausiste.”


S-a creat agitatie in multime
MIHAITA BALINT avea 19 ani in decembrie 1989 si era cioplitor la “Marmura”. La spargerea baricadei, in noaptea de 21 spre 22 decembrie, a fost impuscat in partea inferioara a tibiei piciorului drept.
“Cand am ajuns in Piata Palatului, mai exact in apropiere de Biblioteca Universitara, am vazut un grup de 30-40 de tineri care spuneau ca sunt din Timisoara. Venisera dinspre strada stirbei Voda, au intrat in multime si au inceput sa scandeze lozinci anticeausiste si despre victoria revolutiei de la Timisoara. Imediat, mai multi participanti au inceput sa-l huiduie pe Ceausescu, creandu-se agitatie in multime. In momentul in care au inceput sa se auda tipete si lumea se indrepta spre caile de iesire, am plecat si eu din piata, deplasandu-ma pe strada Onesti pana in zona Intercontinental, unde credeam ca suntem protejati de prezenta reporterilor straini. Am ramas pana dupa distrugerea baricadei, cand am fost impuscat.”

Studenta din Timisoara si-a cautat prietenul la morga Spitalului Coltea
MARIOARA TRONARU, lucratoare la bucataria Spitalului Coltea: “Pe 21 decembrie, in jurul orei 22.00, un tanar a fost impuscat in cap dupa ce s-a adapostit in curtea spitalului. Avea in jur de 20-23 de ani. Dupa aproximativ 30 de minute, o tanara cam de aceeasi varsta cu cel impuscat si care spunea ca este studenta la Timisoara a venit sa-l caute. Brancardierii au condus-o la morga, iar tanara l-a recunoscut pe cel decedat ca fiind prietenul ei, tot student la Timisoara. A declarat ca venisera mai multi din Timisoara pentru a-i mobiliza pe bucuresteni”.

Veneau din orasul inchis
PETRE CAPRARU, lucrator la Directia de Telecomunicatii: “Pe 21 decembrie, pe la pranz, am plecat spre Spitalul Coltea, sa-i duc un pachet surorii mele, internata. Grupuri de cetateni speriati veneau dinspre Sala Dalles. Mi-au spus ca mitingul oficial a fost spart. Au inceput repede sa protesteze la indemnul unor cetateni din tara. Un tanar de vreo 30 de ani, inalt, spunea ca era din Timisoara si a venit special la Bucuresti cu mai multi care scapasera din orasul inchis. Sa ne spuna si noua ce se intampla cu ei la Timisoara si ca au fost maltratati. Acestia strigau: «Nu va fie frica, Ceausescu pica!» si «Jos tiranul!». Indemnau trecatorii sa se solidarizeze, sa nu plece, ca sa nu mai fie chemati ciomagarii de la Timisoara”.

Tanarul din Timisoara avea in mana o cutie
ADRIAN UTALE lucra ca tehnolog productie la Combinatul Casa Scanteii. In dimineata zilei de 21 decembrie a fost scos, cu alti colegi, la ora 7.00, la mitingul din fata CC.
“Din ora in ora ne aliniau in fata intrarii principale a Casei Scanteii si apoi reveneau la directia luata. In jurul orei 11.00 ne-am indreptat pe jos catre Sala Palatului. Pe la ora 11.40, in timp ce ne aflam in centrul pietei, spre Biblioteca si Athenee am vazut langa mine un tanar care ne-a zis ca era din Timisoara si avea in mana o cutie. Ne-a zis: «O sa vedeti ce o sa se intample». Mitingul a inceput in jurul orei 12.00. Dupa ceva timp, tanarul a declansat o mica explozie, probabil o petarda; in jurul orei 12.30 s-a auzit o bubuitura in centrul manifestatiei, ceea ce a dus la haos total.”


Coloana stransa de manifestanti era din Timisoara
PETRU GIURA, strungar la IRA Grivita. Este victima a evenimentelor din decembrie: “Am ajuns la miting in tinuta civila, dupa ce in prealabil ni se spusese sa ne imbracam in cea a garzilor patriotice. Ne-au distribuit langa un sir de megafoane din care in timpul mitingului se auzeau aplauze inregistrate pe banda. In timpul discursului lui Ceusescu, cand s-a auzit o bubuitura, participantii la miting au fugit in toate directiile. Am luat-o spre strada Brezoianu. Am intalnit o coloana stransa de manifestanti, respectiv cate cinci in linie, care scandau lozinci anticeausiste. Acestia spuneau ca sunt de la Timisoara. Initial ne-am speriat si am fugit din calea lor, luand-o spre Romarta Copiilor. Am ramas insa la Intercontinental si am participat la toate evenimentele, pana am fost impuscat la Televiziune, pe 23 decembrie”.

“Nu cumva esti din Timisoara?”
GHEORGHE POPA era in decembrie 1989 sef de birou desfacere la Intreprinderea Poligrafica “Luceafarul”: “Am fost chemati la serviciu la ora 5.00 pentru mitingul din 21 decembrie. Noi am ocupat pozitia din dreptul restaurantului «Cina». Un activist de partid l-a controlat in geanta pe un coleg de-al meu, dar avea la el o sticla cu ceai si paine prajita. Am intervenit spunand ca este bolnav de ulcer, dar activistul a chemat un militian, care mi-a luat legitimatia de serviciu pe motiv ca produc agitatie. In timpul discursului lui Ceausescu s-a auzit un zgomot puternic in sistemul de sonorizare. Cand manifestantii s-au raspandit in toate directiile, am plecat cu mai multi colegi spre Bd. Magheru. In zona Hotelului Nehoiu am fost opriti de militieni si legitimati. Cum mie imi fusese confiscata legitimatia si nu aveam nici un act de identitate la mine, militianul m-a intrebat: «Nu cumva esti din grupul de la Timisoara?». Mi-a aplicat cateva lovituri cu bastonul, dupa care m-a lasat sa plec”.

“Fratilor, la Timisoara va mor copiii si fratii!”
IOAN PaUN lucra in decembrie 1989 ca laborant foto la Casa Scanteii: “La miting am fost pozitionati intre Palatul Regal si Biblioteca Universitara. Atmosfera era incordata. Am observat in coloana noastra multi civili pe care nu-i cunosteam. In timp ce Ceausescu se adresa multimii am vazut in apropierea noastra doi tineri care fluturau doua steaguri. Aveau accent ardelenesc. Unul dintre ei, de vreo 30 de ani, cu fata spre mine, a strigat: «Fratilor, la Timisoara va mor copiii si fratii!». Pe al doilea nu l-am vazut la fata. La scurt timp am auzit o bubuitura, o petarda, banuiesc, care a panicat multimea”.

Indemnau pasagerii sa li se alature
STEFAN DIMA, medic stomatolog: “Lucram ca medic la Calmatuiul de Sus si faceam naveta cu trenul pana la Rosiori. Pe 21 decembrie am vazut, pe la 16.00, in zona Piata Romana, cum fortele de ordine incercau cu disperare sa disperseze grupurile de manifestanti. Dimineata am plecat la serviciu cu trenul Bucuresti-Timisoara. Acesta a oprit neasteptat intre statii, concomitent cu aceeasi cursa care venea dinspre Timisoara. Intre pasagerii celor doua trenuri oprite paralel au avut loc discutii referitoare la evenimentele de la Timisoara. In trenul Timisoara-Bucuresti erau multi pasageri imbracati in doliu, avand steaguri si banderole tricolore. Scandau lozinci anticeausiste si indemnau pasagerii din trenul in care ma aflam sa li se alature”.

“Am intrat in multime strigand: «Timisoara, Timisoara!»”
LULCIUC CONSTANTIN, Timisoara: “In dupa-amiaza zilei de 20.12.1989, in timp ce ma aflam in filtrul ce se organizase langa gara din Timisoara, respectiv langa Militia TF, am fost chemati de Chira Vasile si Pantar Teodor, care mi-au spus sa ma deplasez in Piata Operei, deoarece, pe baza de voluntariat, se pleaca in Bucuresti, ca si in alte localitati – Brasov, Iasi, Sibiu, Ploiesti. Scopul principal era de a spune ce s-a intamplat in acele zile in Timisoara, dar si faptul ca se anuntase ca orasul Timisoara va deveni teren arabil, ca va fi exterminat. Am plecat aproximativ 30 de timisoreni, printre care Vasile Chira, Dumitru Pava, Teodor Pantar, Constantin Tataru, Dumitru Gherman, pentru a-i anunta si pe bucuresteni de cele intamplate la noi in oras. Am luat cu noi un steag cu stema decupata. Pe data de 21.12.1989, dimineata, in jurul orelor 6.30-7.00, am ajuns la Gara de Nord, ne-am deplasat pe jos, pe linia de tramvai, pana am ajuns in Parcul Cismigiu.


Ne-am continuat drumul pe jos pana in apropierea Bisericii Kretzulescu, unde am fost opriti de un cordon de militieni, deviindu-ne in partea stanga. Am incercat sa le explicam militienilor ca demonstram pasnic, dar intre noi si ei au intervenit divergente, moment in care steagul pe care noi il arborasem pe o creanga de copac ne-a fost luat, am fost imbranciti, moment in care am intrat in mijlocul multimii si am inceput sa strigam: «Timisoara, Timisoara!»”.

“Timisorenii ne explicau ca ei sunt liberi”
MARIANA SCHICHT, secretara ASE: “Pe 21 decembrie ne uitam obligatoriu la televizor la serviciu. Dupa intreruperea emisiunii, cu mai multi colegi si studenti, am plecat in Piata, alaturandu-ne altor manifestanti. Doi insi inalti, imbracati in negru, au tras la foc automat spre noi. Ranitii au fost dusi la Coltea, iar mortii au ramas pe loc. In fata Salii Dalles, sapte-opt morti erau aranjati in cerc. Cand s-a spart baricada, am luat-o spre magazinul Unirea, dar a venit o duba a Militiei in care au fost urcati mai multi manifestanti. Am fost luata in acel grup, insa un ofiter de armata m-a tras jos, intrucat tipam cat ma tinea gura. Impreuna cu alti manifestanti am ramas pana dimineata pe strazi laturalnice. Printre acestia erau si din Timisoara si ne explicau ca ei sunt liberi si ca bucurestenii trebuie sa se uneasca pentru a-l da jos pe dictator.

In noaptea de 22.12.1989, pe cand ma aflam in sediul CC, la parter, am observat o fata de aproximativ 16 ani, slaba, cu parul tuns scurt, care incerca sa intre in sediul CC. Pe data de 23 decembrie, dimineata, am aflat de la colegii fetei, care erau veniti de la Timisoara, ca aceasta a fost impuscata mortal in timp ce incerca sa escaladeze balconul. Unuia dintre baieti i se spunea «Lerurduzel» si era suparat ca murisera multi timisoreni.”

Au dat tonul protestelor
EUGENIU STAICU, electromecanic la MTTC: “La miting am ocupat zona din fata Hotelului Athenee Palace impreuna cu muncitorii din CFR care erau coordonati de secretarul de partid Teodor Carbunaru. Discursul lui Ceausescu a fost intrerupt de cateva ori de participantii la miting, care au inceput sa strige lozinci impotriva sa. Am aflat de la secretarul de partid Carbunaru ca un grup de tineri veniti de la Timisoara cu drapelul cu stema inlaturata a dat tonul acestor lozinci”.

Ei au scandat primii la Bucuresti: “Azi la Timisoara, maine in toata tara!”
CONSTANTIN MEDREGA, maistru montaj la Intreprinderea de Avioane Baneasa: “Eram acasa la televizor cand s-a intrerupt transmisia mitingului din Piata. Cum cei trei copii ai nostri se aflau la miting, am plecat sa vedem ce se intampla acolo. La Universitate, grupuri de manifestanti scandau lozinci anticeausiste. In fata Hotelului Intercontinental, un grup de aproximativ zece persoane, care au spus ca sunt de la Timisoara, scandau: «Azi in Timisoara, maine in toata tara!». Faceau apel sa ne alaturam lor.”

Grupul scanda: “Timisoara, Timisoara!”
TINCA CERNEA, casnica: “Pe data de 21 decembrie sotul meu a plecat in oras pentru a cumpara cadouri de Craciun
. La Izvor a aflat ca urma sa se organizeze un miting in Piata Palatului si din proprie initiativa a mers acolo. Mi-a povestit ca in timpul mitingului a intalnit un grup de manifestanti care scandau: «Timisoara, Timisoara!». S-a alaturat acestui grup si au plecat spre Comitetul Central, insa fortele de ordine i-au impiedicat sa ajunga in acea zona. Au coborat pe Calea Victoriei pana la CCA. Fiind mai in varsta, sotul meu s-a oprit sa se odihneasca, fiind retinut de trei indivizi in civil. A fost tarat in restaurantul Bulevard, fiind dus apoi la subsol si legat de maini si de picioare, impreuna cu alti demonstranti. Iar au fost batuti. In final, au ajuns la Jilava, unde au avut acelasi tratament
“.

“Sa povestim ce s-a intamplat la Timisoara”
CONSTANTIN TaTARU, Timisoara: “Pe data de 20.12.1989 ma aflam in Piata Operei. Aparusera zvonurile cu exterminarea Timisoarei. Cineva din multime ne-a sugerat sa ne deplasam in tara, dar mai ales la Bucuresti, sa povestim ce s-a intamplat in acele zile in oras, pentru a-i mobiliza pe bucuresteni sa ni se alature. Din Timisoara am plecat cu o coada de matura pe care am arborat un steag cu stema decupata”.

O timisoreanca, cu buletinul in mana, se ruga de lume sa reziste
SANDA MARIN, gestionara la un magazin din Bucuresti: “Cand am vazut la televizor cum s-a intrerupt transmisia la mitingul din Piata Palatului, am mers cu o colega in Piata Operetei, apoi in Piata Universitatii, unde tinerii demonstrau pe carosabil. Tinerii strigau lozinci anticeausiste. O tanara blonda a fost arestata de militieni. Am fost atacati si udati de fortele de represiune. Am vazut oameni cazand. Am vazut o femeie in jur de 50 de ani, cu buletinul in mana, care statea in genunchi pe carosabil si spunea ca a venit de la Timisoara, unde erau morti, si se ruga la lume sa reziste”.

Un video postat de catre tioluciano pe youtube

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.wordpress.com/rewriting-the-revolution-1997-chapter-6-18-22-december-1989/

“Interceptarile si transcrierile pe foile de goniometrare au fost efectuate de radiotelegrafisti si alti angajati de la Centrul de Control al Radiocomunicatiilor din Strada Oltenitei nr. 103, Bucuresti. Inregistrarile au fost facute din propria initiativa a unor salariati, care si-au asumat riscurile de rigoare, in acea perioada fiind interzisa ascultarea frecventelor alocate organelor de Militie si Securitate.” — Romulus Cristea http://www.romanialibera.ro/exclusiv-rl/investigatii/huliganii-astia-trebuie-anihilati-71726.html

“Dintre sute de catarge! Revolutia ascultata prin statie,” Libertatea, 27 ianuarie 1990 – 15 februarie 1990

  1. “Dintre…sute de catarge! Revolutia ascultata prin statie,” Libertatea, 27 ianuarie 1990, p.2″INCEPIND DIN 21 DECEMBRIE 1989, ORA 11.00Intre 11,00-12,00 I.M.B.
    –Tovarasul BRINZEI, va rog luati dv. acolo masuri, ca sa zic asa, organizatorice si tot efectivul care nu este bagat in misiune se se gaseste in unitate sa fie imediat imbracat “civil” si in frunte cu dv. va deplasati ugrent la Separatiune 1, dar in 5 momente imi comunicati prin acest sistem citi sint, normal. Tabel nominal cu dinsii.
    –Am inteles !
    –Indiferent de la formatiune este, circa cercetari penale, judiciar s.a.m.d.
    –Multi sint imbracati in uniforma. Se schimba in civil?
    –Pai, care au sa se schimbe in civil, care au intr-o jumatate de ora sa se schimbe si deplasarea urgent la Separatiune 1 si sa ramineti acolo pina primiti ordin de la mine.
    –Am inteles !
    11,55 C.P.M.B.–Bucur 9 sint Bucur 1 am primit telefon sa incepeti agitatia in piata (! –N.R.)
    12,10–146475 Intr. civil.–Oprea fa agitatie. Mai, terminati cu joaca la statie ca va ia dracu!
    (Se aude o voce care scandeaza “Ceausescu P.C.R.”).
    –Mai, nu mai strigati in statie!
    12,30 U.S.L.A.
    –Ati receptionat Catargul, Tridentul?
    –Tridentul, se pe Calea Victoriei, la Giocanda, iarasi este un grup care scandeaza lozinci.
    –Tridentul, Catargul, sint Catargul 5, la Muzica, aici in fata, a izbucnit scandal. Pe Victoriei, spre Posta scandeaza lozinci dar nu intervine nimeni. Militia se uita doar la ei.
    –Sint Catargul 5. Au fost indepartati pe Victoriei, spre C.C.A. incolo.
    –Catargul, Catargul 2. Sus, aproape de Comitetul Central, se afla un cetatean. E de-al nostru sau nu este? Sus pe bloc,pe blocul de vizavi. Pe Boteanu, se afla sus de tot un cetatean.
    –Tridentul si Catargul, sint Catargul 5. Continua sa fie la intersectia 13 Decembrie cu Victoriei, la Continental acolo, un grup mare care scandeaza.
    –Catargul, sint Catargul 2. Deasupra magazinul Muzica, vizavi de C.I.D., se pare ca este o persoana acolo.
    –Da este. E de-al nostru.
    I.M.B.–Vezi ce poti. Pe care poti sa-i temperezi, ca nu sint multi. Trebuie o forta mai dura un pic.
    –Toate fortele sa intervina sa-i imprastie.
    12,00-14 U.S.L.A.–
    In zona Catargul 2 este liniste.
    –La fel in zona Catargului 1.
    –Tridentul, sint Catargul 5. S-au indepartat pe Victoriei. Nu mai sint in aproprierea mea.
    –Sint Catargul 3. Au ramas la Gioconda in fata. Vad ca s-au potolit.
    I.S.M.B.–Mai, transmite la mine. Doua unitati de-ale lui Popa sa mearga la Calea Victoriei la…si doua sa vina la Onesti imediat.
    –Am inteles!
    U.S.L.A.–Tridentul, sint Catargul. Ai receptionat mesajul de la Catargul 3?
    –Da, a fost receptionat.
    –Catargul, sint Catargul 4. Va rog, repetati.
    -D-ta ai probleme deosebite?
    –Nu, deocamdata.
    –Nici sa nu ai.
    12,00-14 U.S.L.A.–Manifestantii de la Gioconda incearca sa sparga zidul de la militie.
    –Sint Catargul 1.
    –Situatia.
    –Liniste aici la Catargul 1. Defluire in ordine.
    –Sint Catargul 5.
    –Situatia.
    –Liniste.
    –Da, bine, multumesc.
    –La intersectia 13 Dec., Calea Victoriei este blocata de ai nostri. Nu mai e nici o problema acolo.
    –Catargul 3, Tridentul.
    –La Catargul 3 situatia este inca incordata. Se scandeaza si militienii nu pot sa-i imprastie.
    –La Catargul 2, liniste. Defluire in liniste.
    –Catargul, sint Catargul 4.
    –Comunica.
    –Publicul se retrage in liniste.
    I.S.M.B.–Sala Dalles, (lociitor sef securitate municipului Bucuresti). In fata la Sala Dalles sa vina aici forte.
    –Da, s-au trimis, draga, s-au trimis.
    –Sa-i scoata de aici pe astia care instiga.
    12,00-14 I.S.M.B.–Am trimis, am trimis forte.
    (Continuare in numarul viitor)
  2. “Dintre…sute de catarge! Revolutia ascultata prin statie,” Libertatea, 29 ianuarie 1990, p.2–Aici s-au concentrat, la Sala Dalles, colt cu Batistei.
    –Am inteles !
    12-14 U.S.L.A.–Ma receptionezi, sint Catargul. Tridentul confirma, te rog.
    –Te retragi si supraveghezi.
    –Supraveghezi si ma tineti la curent.
    —Huliganii astia trebuie anihilati in primul rind. Nu sint hotariti astia. Ar trebui sa-i ia repede. Restul sint sovaitori.
    –Tridentul, sint Catargul 5.
    –Situatia.
    –Liniste.
    –La Catargul 3, in fata hotelului Bucuresti, se scandeaza.
    –Da, s-au luat masuri.
    –Catargul ? Tridentul. (nu raspunde).
    –Catargul 1.
    –La Catargul 1, liniste.
    12,30-14 U.S.L.A.–Catargul 3. Tridentul. Situatia.
    –Aceeasi. Se scandeaza si se string foarte multi.
    –Circa 200. Daca impresureaza anexa si ii scoate din zona ii termina repede.
    –Nu sint fortele de ordine acolo, d-le?
    –Sint doar in fata, un aliniament si in spate nimic.
    –Las’ ca vin acolo…
    12,30-14 I.S.M.B.–(sefi servicii, birouri, securitatea municipului Bucuresti), (loctiitor seful Securitatii). Arunca cu niste portret. Probabil Doina Cornea. Invoca personalitati!
    –Da, da…
    –Sint vreo 5, care sint mai ai dracu’ si tipa.
    –Fara incidente, pentru ca ii provocam mai mult.
    –Am inteles. Imi pare rau ca de la hotel intercontinental ii filmeaza si de la noi nu vine nimeni sa-i filmeze.
    –Sa-i identificam pe huliganii astia.
    12,30-14 U.S.L.A.–Catargul 1, liniste, Atheneu.
    –Catargul 2, liniste.
    –La 3 s-a format o hora si cinta Hora Unirii.
    I.M.B.–Aici la Steaua este retinut unul care, sustin tovarasii, ca a incitat sa dea foc.
    –Catargul, au venit fortele speciale de interventie.
    –Striga acum ca armata e cu ei.
    –Hai ma, lasa-i in pace nu mai…
    –Ar trebui sa vina mai repede sa-i ia odata de aici.
    –Vine, stai linistit acolo.
    U.S.L.A.–Tridentul, sint Catargul.
    –Comunica, Catargul.
    –Parte din demonstranti au luat-o in stinga, spre Luterana, marea majoritate, ceilalti au luat-o spre Cosmonautilor. In fata hotelului Bucuresti nu sint probleme deosebite. S-au imprastiat. In schimb, in spate, in dreptul Giocondei au inceput sa se adune pina la nivelului C.S.P.-ului.
    –Cam citi sint?
    –Aproximativ 100. Cei mai multi sint pasnici.
    –Catargul, sint Catargul 4.
    –Comunica.
    –Se pare ca spre Cismigiu se aud scandari. Populatie multa.
    –Deci Tridentul, ait receptionat ca la Cismigiu se pare ca s-a format din nou o grupare.
    –La Catargul 2 e liniste.
    –Catargul 4, raportez ca nu se mai aude nimic dinspre Cismigiu acum.
    –La Catargul 3 e liniste.
    –La Catargul 1 nimic deosebit, 2 nimic deosebit, la 3 se formeaza un dispozitiv cu virf inainte, care se lanseaza catre Luterana si se formeaza acum al doilea dispozitiv, probabil ca in spate. Nu am posibilitati de vedere.
    I.S.M.B.–Pentru /2 sa vina la baza sau ce face?
    –Da, sa vina urgent.
    –Da, da, vine imediat.
    –Putem trece cu escorta a doua si cu intiia?
    –Nu se poate. Sint deplasati tocmai la Comonauti, restaurantul Gradinita.
    –Pai, si-i indepartam.
    –(Da, sau am inteles).
    –Sint forte acuma?
    –Da, sint.
    –Sa-i indeparteze spre Romana incolo, dar cu grija sa n-o ia pe Dorobanti.
    –Am inteles !
    –Tridentul, sint Catargul.
    –Comunicati.
    –La intersectia Luterana cu Stirbei Voda (intreruperi repetati).
    –Vad explozii la Union. Sint Catargul 2.
    –Tridentul, sint Catargul 5. S-au auzit 4-5 explozii puternice!
    –De la Union, de acolo s-au auzit. Le-am vazut si noi explozile, de aici la Catargul 2, de la Athenee Palace.
    –Catargul 5, ai sa-mi comunici ceva?
    –Catargul sint Catargul 5. Undeva spre Continental, nu am vizibilitate, se mai aude strigind asa, ca un ecou (…)
    (Continuare in numarul viitor)

  1. “Dintre…sute de catarge! Revolutia ascultata prin statie,” Libertatea, 27 ianuarie 1990, p.2″INCEPIND DIN 21 DECEMBRIE 1989, ORA 11.00Intre 11,00-12,00 I.M.B.
    –Tovarasul BRINZEI, va rog luati dv. acolo masuri, ca sa zic asa, organizatorice si tot efectivul care nu este bagat in misiune se se gaseste in unitate sa fie imediat imbracat “civil” si in frunte cu dv. va deplasati ugrent la Separatiune 1, dar in 5 momente imi comunicati prin acest sistem citi sint, normal. Tabel nominal cu dinsii.
    –Am inteles !
    –Indiferent de la formatiune este, circa cercetari penale, judiciar s.a.m.d.
    –Multi sint imbracati in uniforma. Se schimba in civil?
    –Pai, care au sa se schimbe in civil, care au intr-o jumatate de ora sa se schimbe si deplasarea urgent la Separatiune 1 si sa ramineti acolo pina primiti ordin de la mine.
    –Am inteles !
    11,55 C.P.M.B.–Bucur 9 sint Bucur 1 am primit telefon sa incepeti agitatia in piata (! –N.R.)
    12,10–146475 Intr. civil.–Oprea fa agitatie. Mai, terminati cu joaca la statie ca va ia dracu!
    (Se aude o voce care scandeaza “Ceausescu P.C.R.”).
    –Mai, nu mai strigati in statie!
    12,30 U.S.L.A.
    –Ati receptionat Catargul, Tridentul?
    –Tridentul, se pe Calea Victoriei, la Giocanda, iarasi este un grup care scandeaza lozinci.
    –Tridentul, Catargul, sint Catargul 5, la Muzica, aici in fata, a izbucnit scandal. Pe Victoriei, spre Posta scandeaza lozinci dar nu intervine nimeni. Militia se uita doar la ei.
    –Sint Catargul 5. Au fost indepartati pe Victoriei, spre C.C.A. incolo.
    –Catargul, Catargul 2. Sus, aproape de Comitetul Central, se afla un cetatean. E de-al nostru sau nu este? Sus pe bloc,pe blocul de vizavi. Pe Boteanu, se afla sus de tot un cetatean.
    –Tridentul si Catargul, sint Catargul 5. Continua sa fie la intersectia 13 Decembrie cu Victoriei, la Continental acolo, un grup mare care scandeaza.
    –Catargul, sint Catargul 2. Deasupra magazinul Muzica, vizavi de C.I.D., se pare ca este o persoana acolo.
    –Da este. E de-al nostru.
    I.M.B.–Vezi ce poti. Pe care poti sa-i temperezi, ca nu sint multi. Trebuie o forta mai dura un pic.
    –Toate fortele sa intervina sa-i imprastie.
    12,00-14 U.S.L.A.–
    In zona Catargul 2 este liniste.
    –La fel in zona Catargului 1.
    –Tridentul, sint Catargul 5. S-au indepartat pe Victoriei. Nu mai sint in aproprierea mea.
    –Sint Catargul 3. Au ramas la Gioconda in fata. Vad ca s-au potolit.
    I.S.M.B.–Mai, transmite la mine. Doua unitati de-ale lui Popa sa mearga la Calea Victoriei la…si doua sa vina la Onesti imediat.
    –Am inteles!
    U.S.L.A.–Tridentul, sint Catargul. Ai receptionat mesajul de la Catargul 3?
    –Da, a fost receptionat.
    –Catargul, sint Catargul 4. Va rog, repetati.
    -D-ta ai probleme deosebite?
    –Nu, deocamdata.
    –Nici sa nu ai.
    12,00-14 U.S.L.A.–Manifestantii de la Gioconda incearca sa sparga zidul de la militie.
    –Sint Catargul 1.
    –Situatia.
    –Liniste aici la Catargul 1. Defluire in ordine.
    –Sint Catargul 5.
    –Situatia.
    –Liniste.
    –Da, bine, multumesc.
    –La intersectia 13 Dec., Calea Victoriei este blocata de ai nostri. Nu mai e nici o problema acolo.
    –Catargul 3, Tridentul.
    –La Catargul 3 situatia este inca incordata. Se scandeaza si militienii nu pot sa-i imprastie.
    –La Catargul 2, liniste. Defluire in liniste.
    –Catargul, sint Catargul 4.
    –Comunica.
    –Publicul se retrage in liniste.
    I.S.M.B.–Sala Dalles, (lociitor sef securitate municipului Bucuresti). In fata la Sala Dalles sa vina aici forte.
    –Da, s-au trimis, draga, s-au trimis.
    –Sa-i scoata de aici pe astia care instiga.
    12,00-14 I.S.M.B.–Am trimis, am trimis forte.
    (Continuare in numarul viitor)
  2. “Dintre…sute de catarge! Revolutia ascultata prin statie,” Libertatea, 29 ianuarie 1990, p.2–Aici s-au concentrat, la Sala Dalles, colt cu Batistei.
    –Am inteles !
    12-14 U.S.L.A.–Ma receptionezi, sint Catargul. Tridentul confirma, te rog.
    –Te retragi si supraveghezi.
    –Supraveghezi si ma tineti la curent.
    —Huliganii astia trebuie anihilati in primul rind. Nu sint hotariti astia. Ar trebui sa-i ia repede. Restul sint sovaitori.
    –Tridentul, sint Catargul 5.
    –Situatia.
    –Liniste.
    –La Catargul 3, in fata hotelului Bucuresti, se scandeaza.
    –Da, s-au luat masuri.
    –Catargul ? Tridentul. (nu raspunde).
    –Catargul 1.
    –La Catargul 1, liniste.
    12,30-14 U.S.L.A.–Catargul 3. Tridentul. Situatia.
    –Aceeasi. Se scandeaza si se string foarte multi.
    –Circa 200. Daca impresureaza anexa si ii scoate din zona ii termina repede.
    –Nu sint fortele de ordine acolo, d-le?
    –Sint doar in fata, un aliniament si in spate nimic.
    –Las’ ca vin acolo…
    12,30-14 I.S.M.B.–(sefi servicii, birouri, securitatea municipului Bucuresti), (loctiitor seful Securitatii). Arunca cu niste portret. Probabil Doina Cornea. Invoca personalitati!
    –Da, da…
    –Sint vreo 5, care sint mai ai dracu’ si tipa.
    –Fara incidente, pentru ca ii provocam mai mult.
    –Am inteles. Imi pare rau ca de la hotel intercontinental ii filmeaza si de la noi nu vine nimeni sa-i filmeze.
    –Sa-i identificam pe huliganii astia.
    12,30-14 U.S.L.A.–Catargul 1, liniste, Atheneu.
    –Catargul 2, liniste.
    –La 3 s-a format o hora si cinta Hora Unirii.
    I.M.B.–Aici la Steaua este retinut unul care, sustin tovarasii, ca a incitat sa dea foc.
    –Catargul, au venit fortele speciale de interventie.
    –Striga acum ca armata e cu ei.
    –Hai ma, lasa-i in pace nu mai…
    –Ar trebui sa vina mai repede sa-i ia odata de aici.
    –Vine, stai linistit acolo.
    U.S.L.A.–Tridentul, sint Catargul.
    –Comunica, Catargul.
    –Parte din demonstranti au luat-o in stinga, spre Luterana, marea majoritate, ceilalti au luat-o spre Cosmonautilor. In fata hotelului Bucuresti nu sint probleme deosebite. S-au imprastiat. In schimb, in spate, in dreptul Giocondei au inceput sa se adune pina la nivelului C.S.P.-ului.
    –Cam citi sint?
    –Aproximativ 100. Cei mai multi sint pasnici.
    –Catargul, sint Catargul 4.
    –Comunica.
    –Se pare ca spre Cismigiu se aud scandari. Populatie multa.
    –Deci Tridentul, ait receptionat ca la Cismigiu se pare ca s-a format din nou o grupare.
    –La Catargul 2 e liniste.
    –Catargul 4, raportez ca nu se mai aude nimic dinspre Cismigiu acum.
    –La Catargul 3 e liniste.
    –La Catargul 1 nimic deosebit, 2 nimic deosebit, la 3 se formeaza un dispozitiv cu virf inainte, care se lanseaza catre Luterana si se formeaza acum al doilea dispozitiv, probabil ca in spate. Nu am posibilitati de vedere.
    I.S.M.B.–Pentru /2 sa vina la baza sau ce face?
    –Da, sa vina urgent.
    –Da, da, vine imediat.
    –Putem trece cu escorta a doua si cu intiia?
    –Nu se poate. Sint deplasati tocmai la Comonauti, restaurantul Gradinita.
    –Pai, si-i indepartam.
    –(Da, sau am inteles).
    –Sint forte acuma?
    –Da, sint.
    –Sa-i indeparteze spre Romana incolo, dar cu grija sa n-o ia pe Dorobanti.
    –Am inteles !
    –Tridentul, sint Catargul.
    –Comunicati.
    –La intersectia Luterana cu Stirbei Voda (intreruperi repetati).
    –Vad explozii la Union. Sint Catargul 2.
    –Tridentul, sint Catargul 5. S-au auzit 4-5 explozii puternice!
    –De la Union, de acolo s-au auzit. Le-am vazut si noi explozile, de aici la Catargul 2, de la Athenee Palace.
    –Catargul 5, ai sa-mi comunici ceva?
    –Catargul sint Catargul 5. Undeva spre Continental, nu am vizibilitate, se mai aude strigind asa, ca un ecou (…)
    (Continuare in numarul viitor)

despre “Granitul” cititi si povestea lui Nicu Leon aici… https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.wordpress.com/2010/12/24/cc-ul-in-zilele-fierbinte-decembrie-1989/

Dovada crimelor din decembrie ’89
“Huliganii astia trebuie anihilati”
28 Martie 2006
“Huliganii astia trebuie anihilati”
149 VIZUALIZARI | COMENTARII  0

Toate convorbirile din perioada 21-22 decembrie 1989 purtate de sefii Securitatii, Militiei, Armatei si conducerii de partid prin intermediul statiilor de transmisiuni radio au fost inregistrate pe banda audio si transcrise pe foile de interceptare-goniometrare. Ziarul “Romania libera” a intrat in posesia acestor documente, fragmentele cele mai relevante urmand sa fie publicate incepand cu acest numar. De asemenea, suntem si in posesia unor liste de coduri folosite in cadrul acestor transmisiuni radio.Interceptarile si transcrierile pe foile de goniometrare au fost efectuate de radiotelegrafisti si alti angajati de la Centrul de Control al Radiocomunicatiilor din Strada Oltenitei nr. 103, Bucuresti. Inregistrarile au fost facute din propria initiativa a unor salariati, care si-au asumat riscurile de rigoare, in acea perioada fiind interzisa ascultarea frecventelor alocate organelor de Militie si Securitate.
Comunicarea pe unde radio se realiza utilizand anumite coduri si indicative. Toate inregistrarile contin dovezi clare privind ordinele date de cei care conduceau Militia, Securitatea, Ministerul Apararii si PCR prin care se solicita reprimarea manifestatiei anticomuniste si anticeausiste. Inca din primele momente ale revoltei, cei care conduceau tara, serviciile de informatii si fortele de ordine au dat ordine de reprimare a manifestantilor. Cu toate ca periodic erau raportate catre sefi numeroase victime, morti, raniti, arestati ilegal, s-a considerat ca trebuie continuata represiunea pentru asigurarea ordinii, in spiritul cuvantarii lui Ceausescu, care ceruse “o riposta hotarata” impotriva celor care contestau “maretele realizari pentru faurirea societatii socialiste multilateral dezvoltate”.Militienii imbracati in civil faceau agitatieIn ziua de 21 decembrie 1989, incepand cu ora 11, in piata din fata CC-PCR (actuala cladire a Ministerului Administratiei si Internelor din Piata Revolutiei) se desfasura un miting organizat de Comitetul Municipal de Partid, cu participarea cuplului Elena si Nicolae Ceausescu. Totul a luat o intorsatura neasteptata. Manifestatia de condamnare a “huliganilor” de la Timisoara s-a transformat intr-o revolta impotriva lui Ceausescu si a regimului comunist.
Va prezentam in cele ce urmeaza fragmente din interceptarile realizate in acea zi, incepand cu ora 11.
Intre orele 11-11.50 – Inspectoratul Militiei Bucuresti.
– Tovarasul Brinzei, va rog luati dvs. masuri, ca sa fie asa, organizatorice, si tot efectivul care nu este bagat in misiune si se gaseste in Universitate sa fie imbracati civil si in frunte cu dvs. Va deplasati urgent in separatiune 1 (dispozitiv – n.n.), dar in 5 momente imi comunicati prin acest sistem cati sunt nominal. Tabel nominal cu dansii.
– 2056 (Am inteles! – n.n.)
– Indiferent de la ce formatiune este, circa, cercetari, penale, judiciar etc.
– Multi sunt imbracati in uniforma. Se schimba in civil?
– Pai, care au sa se schimbe in civil, care nu, intr-o jumatate de ora sa se schimbe si deplasarea urgent la separatiune 1 si raman acolo pana primiti ordin de la mine.
– 2056.
Ora 11.55 – Consiliul Popular al Municipiului Bucuresti
– Bucur 9 sunt Bucur 1 (secretar al Comitetului Municipal de Partid – n.n.). Am primit ordin sa incepeti agitatia in piata.”O forta mai dura un pic” impotriva demonstrantilorTrebuie sa mentionam ca militienii imbracati in civil si care trebuiau “sa faca agitatie” erau trimisi pentru tinerea sub supraveghere a masei de oameni din fata CC-PCR, contribuind in acelasi timp la bunul mers al evenimentelor, prin aplauze sustinute si lozinci in favoarea lui Ceausescu. La mitingul lui Ceausescu erau adunati 105 mii de muncitori de la principalele uzine bucurestene. Insa in fata Hotelului Bucuresti, pe Calea Victoriei a aparut, chiar in timp ce vorbea Ceausescu, un grup de protestatari care scandau lozinci anticeausiste. In zona CC-ului s-a auzit apoi un vuiet peste care s-au suprapus alte zgomote, ca de explozii, venite dinspre Ateneu si – se pare – Biserica Kretzulescu. S-a produs panica, lumea a devenit agitata.
La acel moment, au fost interceptate urmatoarele convorbiri:
Ora 12.10
– 146, 475. Introdu civilii Oprea, fa agitatie. Mai, terminati cu joaca la statie, ca va ia dracu’. (Se aude o voce care scandeaza “Ceausescu PCR”).
– Mai, nu mai strigati in statie.
Ora 12.30 – USLA
– Tridentul, si pe Calea Victoriei, la Gioconda (un magazin de confectii – n.n.), iarasi este un grup care scandeaza lozinci.
– Tridentul, Catargul, sunt Catargul 5, la “Muzica”, aici in fata a izbucnit scandal. Pe Victoriei, spre posta. Scandeaza lozinci, dar nu intervine nimeni. Militia se uita doar la ei.
– Sunt Catargul 5. Au fost imprastiati pe Victoriei, spre Casa Centrala a Armatei.
De la Inspectoratul Militiei Bucuresti intervine cineva care comunica:
– Vezi ce poti. Pe care poti sa-i temporizezi, ca nu sunt multi. Trebuie o forta mai dura un pic.
– Toate fortele sa intervina sa-i imprastie!
Interesant este ca in zona Hotelului Bucuresti, chiar inainte de spargerea mitingului de la CC-PCR, persoane imbracate in costume de culoare kaki, cu cizme si fara insemne militare, au coborat dintr-un autocar si au luat la bataie, cu batele din dotare, persoanele aflate in zona, dupa care au aruncat cateva petarde si grenade lacrimogene. S-au facut primele retineri. Se banuieste ca exploziile auzite dinspre Ateneu si Biserica Kretzulescu ar fi fost ecoul acestor actiuni de la Hotelul Bucuresti.USLA, deranjata de “huligani”Orele 12.30-14; USLA:
– In zona Catargului 2 este liniste.
– La fel in zona Catargului 1 (dispozitiv USLA – n.n.)
– Sunt Catargul 3. Au mai ramas la “Gioconda” in fata. Vad ca s-au potolit.
Intervine un ofiter de la Inspectoratul Securitatii Municipiului Bucuresti:
– Mai, transmite la mine. Doua unitati de la Popa sa mearga la Calea Victoriei si doua sa vina la Onesti (actuala str. Dem I. Dobrescu). Imediat!
– Am trimis forte.
– Aici s-au concentrat, la Sala Dalles, colt cu Batistei.
– 2056.
In acelasi interval de timp (12-14), discutie intre “Tridentul” si “Catargul” de la USLA:
– Da, receptionez, sunt Catargul. Tridentul, confirma, te rog.
– Te retragi? Sunt forte de ordine care trebuie sa actioneze.
– Te retragi si supraveghezi.
– Supraveghezi si ma tineti la curent.
– Huliganii astia trebuie anihilati in primul rand. Nu sunt hotarati astia. Ar trebui sa-i ia repede. Restul sunt sovaitori.
– La Catargul 3, in fata Hotelului Bucuresti se scandeaza.
– Da, s-au luat masuri.
Zona Hotelului Bucuresti, pe Calea Victoriei, a fost locul unde a existat un prim grup de demonstranti care au inceput sa strige impotriva regimului ceausisto-comunist chiar cand se desfasura mitingul din fata CC-PCR.
Aici au fost primele persoane retinute si batute de fortele de ordine. Conform cercetarilor efectuate de procurorii militari, in zona respectiva a activat si un grup de persoane venite de la Timisoara. La un moment dat acestia, sustinuti de cativa bucuresteni, au reusit sa treaca prin barajul format de fortele de ordine si sa se indrepte apoi spre Piata Palatului. Incidentul a fost consemnat si in Raportul Comisiei Parlamentare de ancheta privind evenimentele din decembrie 1989.
0541

Col. Dumitru Dumitrascu, sef al Inspectoratului Muncipiului Bucuresti al Ministerului de Interne, Declaratie, 19 martie 1990

“In seara de 20 dec. 1989 in jurul orelor 23:30-24:00 eu fiind la inspectoratului am fost informat de primul secretar Barbu Petrescu, care in mod confidential mi-a spus ca ceausescu nicolae l-a intrebat daca se poate organiza in ziua de 21 XII 89 un mare miting in piata palatului asa cum a fost cel din 1968–cu privire la evenimentele din Cehoslovacia.”

0536

0160

Tudor Postelnicu, Ministrul de Interne, Declaratie, 21 iunie 1991

“Asa se explica ca Ceausescu a fost cel care a initiat in seara de 20 dec. sa se organizeze pt. a doua zi in P-ta Palatului acel miting cu muncitorimea din Bucuresti, fiind convins ca asa va demonstra tuturor sprijinul populatiei de care s-ar fi bucurat el.”

0152

An excerpt from

A chapter from my Ph.D. Dissertation at Indiana University: Richard Andrew Hall, Rewriting the Revolution: Authoritarian Regime-State Relations and the Triumph of Securitate Revisionism in Post-Ceausescu Romania (defended 16 December 1996). This is the original chapter as it appeared then and thus has not been revised in any form.

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/rewriting-the-revolution-1997-chapter-6-18-22-december-1989/ 

Ceausescu’s Fatal Mistake: The Pro-Regime Rally of 21 December

By the morning of Thursday, 21 December 1989, the regime was no longer master of the situation in Timisoara. Moreover, it was rapidly losing control in several nearby cities: Lugoj and Cugir. Nevertheless, the regime might have withstood these challenges had it not been for Nicolae Ceausescu’s insistence on convoking a mass rally and addressing his “adoring” subjects in person. It was Nicolae Ceausescu’s delusion of his own invincibility which ensured that the regime would be unable to reestablish control. Ceausescu’s inflammatory, rambling tirade on national television on Wednesday evening had signalled panic to those who watched it. If Ceausescu was so worked up, they concluded, something serious must have occurred in Timisoara. Following his televised address, Ceausescu decided to hold an open-air, pro-regime rally the following day in the sprawling square in front of the Central Committee building in the center of Bucharest. The event was to be carried live over Romanian radio and television.

Precisely because this mass rally turned out to be the deathknell for the Ceausescu regime speculation has surrounded who “goaded” Ceausescu into making such a colossally-misguided decision. In January 1993, the opposition daily Romania Libera suggested that “the meeting was organized at the suggestion of [CPEx member] Gogu Radulescu.”[31] The same article maintained that Radulescu had been followed during these days and was “observed transmitting something abroad,” thereby once again insinuating the role of foreign powers in the Romanian events.[32]

Yet it is doubtful that Nicolae Ceausescu required Radulescu’s encouragement to convoke such a rally. It seems highly likely that the idea was Ceausescu’s own brainchild and that as usual the docile members of the CPEx did not dare contradict him. It was a typically instinctive, rash, and overconfident reaction to crisis on Ceausescu’s part. Moreover, as we have seen, for Nicolae Ceausescu the events confronting him in December 1989 were a replay of August 1968: not only was socialism at stake, but Romania’s national sovereignty and independence. Thus, in this crucial moment, he would appeal not primarily to the party’s political interests, but to what were the core institutional interests of the Securitate. And he would rely on a trusted totalitarian, mobilizational technique: the “spontaneous” mass rally of support for the regime.

[31].. R.M., “Dezvaluiri [Revelations],” Romania Libera, 19 January 1993, 1. Radulescu died in 1994.

[32].. Ibid. Presumably that foreign power would have been the Soviet Union.

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #1 The Securitate Deny Foreign Instigation of the Timisoara Uprising

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #2 Shattered Glass: Securitate Vandalism to Justify Timisoara Crackdown

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #3 “Anti-terrorism” and Regime Repression

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #4 Timisoara Demonstrators Injured and Killed by Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #5 Timisoara (Podul Decebal) Evidence Suggests only the Securitate Had Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revoluion: #6 The Securitate Sends a Coded-Message to Its Undercovers in the Field (“Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare,” Scinteia Tineretului, 18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #7 Nicolae Ceausescu Leaves on a Less-than-spontaneous Trip to Iran (18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #8 Romania closes its borders to almost all foreigners…except Russian tourists returning from shopping trips to Yugoslavia (18-19 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #9 Ceausescu Regime Officials Involved before 22 December in Covering up Timisoara Repression…Remain Active after 22 December

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #10 The Protesters Conquer Timisoara as the Army Withdraws to Maintain Institutional Command and Control

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #11 Ceausescu Returns from Iran…and Apparently Not Empty-Handed

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25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #11 Ceausescu Returns from Iran…and Apparently Not Empty-Handed

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 20, 2014

(Purely personal views as always, based on over two decades of research and publications inside and outside Romania)

2014 marks the 25th anniversary of the collapse of communism in central and eastern Europe–Poland, Hungary, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania.  This series looks at 25 things I have learned about the events of the Romanian Revolution of December 1989.  The numbering is not designed to assign importance, but rather–to the extent possible–to progress chronologically through those events.

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/12/18/25-for-the-25th-anniversary-of-the-romanian-revolution-7-nicolae-ceausescu-leaves-on-a-less-than-spontaneous-trip-to-iran-18-december-1989/

in relation to Ceausescu’s trip to Iran, from Orwellian…Positively Orwellian (2006)

In this regard, further claims related by former USLA Captain Marian Romanescu to Dan Badea, are to say the least intriguing:

Several days before the outbreak of the December events, the commander of the USLA forces—col. ARDELEANU GHEORGHE (his real name being BULA MOISE)—left for Iran, bringing with him a great many gifts; and a car’s load of maps, bags, pens, sacks, etc. What did Col. Ardeleanu need these for in Iran? What was the use of having the head of the USLA go? What did he negotiate with the Iranians before the arrival of Ceausescu [18-19 December]? Could he have contracted the bringing into the country of some shock troops, as they are called, to enforce the guard at the House of the Republic, the civic Center and the principal residences of the dictator [RAH Observation:  this is very specific and phrased in a question…a tactic for relaying information while not directly violating a security oath]? If not for that reason, why? Because it is known what followed…

On 22 December, col. Ardeleanu gave the order that 50 blank cover IDs, with the stamp of the Department of Civil Aviation, be released. The order is executed by Gradisteanu Aurel from the coordinating service of that department—a Securitate captain in reserve—and by lt. Col. SOMLEA ALEXANDRU, the latter receiving the IDs and putting them where they needed to be. It is known that the majority of USLA cadre work under the cover of being in the Militia. But who did these IDs cover in this situation? [emphases and capitalization in original]

‘Deghizarea’ (IV),” Romania Libera, 19 martie 1992, p. 5a.  Generalul Militaru: “Va sfatuiesc sa cercetati un detaliu privind vizita lui Ceausescu in Iran:  colonelul Ardeleanu, seful de la USLA, i-a insotit la plecare.  La intoarcere a venit cu o zi mai tirziu, aterizind cu un avion, incarcat cu persoane pe aeroportul Kogalniceanu.  Pe de alta parte, in ziua de 29-30 decembrie, de pe aeroportul Baneasa s-au luat zborul mai multe avioane libiene.  Cu oameni imbarcati.!”

Cuvintul, nr. 51 decembrie 1991

image0-001

My thanks to journalist Harvey Morris for his clarification of the above:

It all comes back to me now. I was at the main hacks’ hotel for a while and then also stayed at National (who knows in what room!) The telex was from Maryann Bird, colleague at the Independent foreign desk in London. The Rajavi group refers to the opposition People’s Mujahedin of Iran, an anti-government group that always was, and still is, propagandising against the Tehran regime. Which doesn’t mean they weren’t on to something in this case.
I now have a vague recollection of the message but can’t imagine I did much to follow it up, considering everything else going on. I certainly never established the presence of any Iranian revolutionary guards who, even had they been there on Dec 20, probably would have headed off as soon as Ceaucescu overthrown. My gut instinct would be it was Mujahedin propaganda, pegged to good Iranian relations with Ceaucescu.

Cuvintul, nr. 52-53 decembrie 1991

image0-003

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/10/01/the-dutch-nurse-sister-roza-thinks-mr-beres-who-was-shot-in-the-foot-on-the-night-of-22-december-1989-in-brasov-was-hit-by-a-hollow-nosed-dum-dum-bullet-because-of-the-nature-of-the-wound-harvey/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/10/04/sorin-said-that-on-the-eve-of-the-revolution-people-in-civilian-clothes-and-carrying-heavy-bags-began-arriving-at-the-hotel-parc-in-arad-from-bucharest-we-knew-they-were-police-and-that-they-w/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/10/05/sorin-said-that-on-the-eve-of-the-revolution-people-in-civilian-clothes-and-carrying-heavy-bags-began-arriving-at-the-hotel-parc-in-arad-from-bucharest-we-knew-they-were-police-and-that-they-w-2/

Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, “Iran Embarrassed by Ceausescu Visit,” The Washington Post, 17 January 1990, E17. (syndicated copy above) WASHINGTON — Romanian despot Nicolae Ceausescu got some help last-minute help from a soul mate who is now embarrassed about coming to the aid of a loser.  Iranian President Hashemi Rafsanjani tried to prop up Ceausescu by sending Iranian security goons to Romania to protect him.  Ceausescu’s three-day visit to Iran while his troops massacred dissidents at home contributed to the foment that eventually overthrew him.  Rafsanjani’s embrace of the Romanian dictator on that trip has not helped his stock with the Western diplomatic community. Iranian and Romanian sources and intelligence sources now tell us what went on behind the scenes when Ceausescu was in Iran. He flew to Tehran on Dec 18 while his troops were brutally putting down a riot in the Romanian city of Timisoara. The day before, Ceausescu’s secret police had used tanks and machine guns to open fire on crowds of demonstrators. Hundreds of men women and children were murdered. The battle continued while Ceausescu was being welcomed by an elated Rafsanjani. In his first six months as president of Iran, no other head of state had bothered to visit. The two men openly conferred about trade issues. Romania has been a major trading partner with Iran, and their business amounted to about $1.8 billion last year.  Ceausescu had become so enamored of Iran, according to Romanian sources, that in November he secretly deposited millions of dollars in gold for safekeeping in Iranian banks. He mistrusted Western banks after seeing some of them freeze the ill-gotten gain of another opportunist Ferdinand Marcos. On the second day of his visit to Tehran, Ceausescu placed a wreath on the tomb of Ayatollah Khomeini. In doing so, he became the only head of state to kiss up to Khomeini after death.  In retrospect, it was a kiss of death back home.  That night, with word that the demonstrations were out of control in Romania, Ceausescu begged Rajsanjani for help.  Rafsanjani supplied some of his most loyal Iranian bodyguards to protect Ceausescu on his return.  The next day, Dec 20, a contingent of Iranian Pasdaran, the Revolutionary Guard, secretly flew to Bucharest. Two days later, when the Romanian army turned against Ceausescu’s security police. the despot knew it was over.  He and his wife Elena fled Bucharest but were captured by peasants. Meanwhile, Timisoara was still a battleground where eyewitnesses to the shooting claimed the forces were not all Romanians.  According to some witnesses, Iranians or Libyans were doing some of the shooting. Similar reports of Iranian and Libyan snipers came from the industrial city of Craiova. In a two-hour secret trial on Christmas Day, the Ceausescus were convicted of genocide of 60,000 Romanians and theft of more than billion. “You should have stayed in Iran where you had flown to, the prosecutor told them. “We do not stay abroad,” Elena Ceausescu said. “This is our home.” The two were executed by firing squad. Rafsanjani was fit to be tied. He was embarrassed about helping Ceausescu at the end because he feared it would jeopardize trade arrangements with the new Romanian government. Rafsanjani dismissed his ambassador to Romania for not telling him about the power of the anti-Ceausescu forces in time to spare Iran the humiliation of hosting a has-been.


Irán – Románia – fegyveres gárdisták

Bagdad, 1990. január 2. kedd (MTI/AFP)- A Modzsahedin Khalk (Népi Modzsahedin) elnevezésű iráni ellenzéki szervezet irodája Bagdadból közleményt juttatott el kedden az MTI-hez. Ebben a szervezet Iránból származó – pontosan meg nem nevezett – forrásokra hivatkozva közli: amikor Romániában kiéleződtek a belső harcok, december 20-án Rafszandzsani iráni elnök utasítására fegyveres gárdát (pasdaran) küldtek Bukarestbe a Ceausescu-rendszer védelmére.
A december 19-i romániai véres összecsapást követően
Rafszandzsani és Ceausescu december 19-én este Teheránban állapodott
meg abban, hogy a gárdistákat sürgősen átdobják – írja a Modzsahedin
Khalk közleménye. A bagdadi székhelyű szervezet a hír hitelességének
alátámasztására hét, Romániába küldött gárdistát név szerint is
megemlít: Morteza Hazveh, Szejed Reza Arai, Mohaved Tezar-Parto
Dezfuli, Masszud Orei, Szejed Ali-Aszgar Szadegi, Morteza Nikokar,
és M. Szalamati.
Az AFP bagdadi irodájának jelentése szerint az iráni ellenzéki
szervezet azonos tartalmú közleményt juttatott el hozzájuk, s ezt a
francia hírügynökség kedden nyilvánosságra hozta.+++1990. január 2., kedd 13:37

http://rendszervaltas.mti.hu/Pages/News.aspx?se=1&wo=pasdaran&sd=19890101&ed=19901231&sp=0&ni=231602&ty=1

©AFP Général – Samedi 30 Décembre 1989 – 12:28 – Heure Paris (310 mots)

Roumanie mercenaires
Temoignages sur la presence de mercenaires etrangers en Roumanie
   BUDAPEST 30 dec – La presence de mercenaires etrangers en Roumanie, notamment de differents pays arabes et de l Iran, est hors de doute, selon le correspondant de l agence hongroise MTI a Bucarest largement cite dans la presse hongroise samedi.
   Toutefois, aucun ” mercenaire etranger ” n a jusqu a present ete identifie, presente a la television, ou interviewe a la radio.
   ” La participation d unites militaires etrangeres aux combats en Roumanie est un fait ” , selon le correspondant qui se refere aux temoignages de soldats roumains qui ont ” neutralise ” un groupe de 27 ” terroristes ” iraniens. Un des prisonniers a admis, selon le correspondant, que le commando ” etait venu directement de l Iran ” .
   Il etait connu, selon le correspondant de MTI, que quelque 12.000 etudiants etaient inscrits aux differentes hautes ecoles et universites roumaines et que des ” camps ont existe en Roumanie pour l entrainement d unites speciales au compte de differents pays arabes ” . Un de ces camps etait situe a proximite de Bucarest, dans la ville de Snagov, mais il en existait d autres un peu partout dans le pays, precise le correspondant toujours en reference a des recits de soldats roumains.
   Le correspondant de MTI revele egalement l existence d unites speciales de la Securitate nommees les ” Chemises Noirs ” qui fonctionnaient selon l exemple de la Loge P-2 (Loge maconnique clandestine italienne). Les plus hauts dirigeants roumains ont appartenu a cette loge clandestine dont notamment l ancien ministre de l Interieur, Tudor Postelnicu, un des chefs de la Securitate, le vice-premier ministre Ion Dinca et le fils du dictateur roumain dechu, Nicu Ceausescu. La Securitate etait divisee en 17 unites surveillant toute la Roumanie. Ses bases se trouvaient generalement dans des villas de luxe, precise le correspondant de MTI a Bucarest.
   ph-wb/nev/nl.
Tous droits réservés : ©AFP Général
CC12A16A1A31DB1EF1DA0D141071207DBFC664CE89959FCA

An excerpt from

A chapter from my Ph.D. Dissertation at Indiana University: Richard Andrew Hall, Rewriting the Revolution: Authoritarian Regime-State Relations and the Triumph of Securitate Revisionism in Post-Ceausescu Romania (defended 16 December 1996). This is the original chapter as it appeared then and thus has not been revised in any form.  (traducere in limba romana:  http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2009/01/05/rich-andrew-hall-rescrierea-istoriei-revolutiei-triumful-revizionismului-securist-in-romania-1-ceausescu-pleaca-in-iran/ si traducerea de catre marius mioc)

Ceausescu Departs for Iran

On Monday morning 18 December 1989, President Nicolae Ceausescu departed on a previously-scheduled state visit to Iran. He was the first head of state to pay an official visit to Tehran since the death of the Ayatollah Khomeini in June 1989.[1] By the time the presidential jet took off for Iran, Timisoara was under virtual military occupation by units of the Army, Securitate, and Militia. Ceausescu was apparently sufficiently satisfied by the news he was receiving on the status of the crackdown, that he judged it safe to leave the country. In his absence, the “Permanent Bureau of the Political Executive Committee (CPEx)” was left in charge. In effect, this meant that power resided with the First Deputy Prime Minister, his wife Elena–hardly a stranger to such power–and the Vice President of the country, Manea Manescu, who was married to Nicolae’s sister Maria.[2]

On the one hand, the fact that Ceausescu would leave the country in the midst of the most serious challenge ever to communist rule in Romania–fully aware of what had happened to his fellow communist leaders in the region earlier that fall–was a testament to how supremely overconfident and detached from reality he had become. On the other hand, Ceausescu’s absence from the country between 18 and 20 December for a period in excess of forty-eight hours provided regime elites with the perfect opportunity to oust him from power had they wanted to. Ceausescu would likely have been granted asylum by the Iranian regime. In theory it seems, had Ceausescu’s ouster been premeditated, this was the ideal moment to strike.

Most regime elites had a vivid memory of how Ceausescu’s absence from the country during the devastating earthquake of March 1977 had paralyzed the regime apparatus.[3] Moreover, having been threatened by Ceausescu at the emergency CPEx meeting of 17 December with removal from their posts and possible execution–and Ceausescu had been persuaded merely to defer, rather than to cancel this decision–Ceausescu’s commanders had a strong incentive to act fast. Instead, Ceausescu’s henchmen faithfully executed his orders and patiently awaited his return. This is a powerful argument against any suggestion that Ceausescu’s subordinates were scheming to replace him and had intentionally allowed the Timisoara unrest to elude their control.

Theories which maintain that Ceausescu was overthrown by a foreign-engineered coup d’etat also have trouble explaining why the plotters did not attempt to seize power during the period while Ceausescu was out of the country and then prevent him from returning to Romania. The Timisoara events had already assured that Ceausescu’s ouster would contain the popular dimension which was reputedly so central to this coup d’etat scenario. Furthermore, if the Timisoara protests had been instigated by foreign agents, why were these agents unable to “spread the revolution” to Bucharest (which remained surprisingly quiet) during these days?

In support of his contention that the December events were a Soviet-backed coup d’etat, Cornel Ivanciuc has cited the March 1994 comments of Igor Toporovski (director of the Moscow-based Institute for Russian and International Political Studies) which allege that the Soviet Politburo “…chose the moment when Ceausescu was in Teheran [to oust him] because otherwise the action would have been difficult to initiate.”[4] Yet the facts tell another story. Ceausescu was not driven from power at the most opportune moment–while he was in Iran–and the uprising in Timisoara did not spread outside of Timisoara until after Ceausescu’s return. These points cast doubt upon Toporovski’s claims.

[mai mult despre Ivanciuc…https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.wordpress.com/2010/12/17/timisoara-si-mostenitorii-revizionismul-securist/]

[1].. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, “Iran Embarrassed by Ceausescu Visit,” The Washington Post, 17 January 1990, E17.

[2].. Martyn Rady, Romania in Turmoil: A Contemporary History (New York: IB Tauris & Co Ltd., 1992), 94. For Manescu’s link to the Ceausescu family, see ibid., 52-53.

[3].. Indeed, the abortive military coup d’etat attempt planned for October 1984 while the Ceausescus were on a state visit to West Germany had been inspired by memories of the March 1977 experience. See Silviu Brucan, The Wasted Generation: Memories of the Romanian Journey from Capitalism to Socialism and Back (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), 131-134.

[4].. Cornel Ivanciuc, “Raporturile dintre Frontul Salvarii Nationale si KGB,” 22, no. 21 (24-30 May 1995), 11.

http://www.jurnalul.ro/campaniile-jurnalul/jurnalul-national/ultima-excursie-in-iran-a-lui-nicolae-ceausescu-527641.html (Vasile Surcel)

PLECAŢI CU MULT ÎNAINTE
Contrar majorităţii “excursiilor” externe ale lui Ceauşescu, cea din Iran a fost foarte scurtă: a început la 18 decembrie 1989 şi s-a încheiat la 20. “Antemergătorii” au pornit însă la drum pe rând, cu mult înainte. Securiştii şi angajaţii MAE au plecat cu avionul, în primul “val”, la 9 decembrie, iar specialiştii în comerţ exterior la 12. Au făcut escală la Istanbul, de unde au ajuns la Teheran, tot pe calea aerului. Doar traseul ziaristului de la Agerpres a fost mai complicat. Plecat la 13 decembrie, el a trecut mai întâi pe la Moscova, unde a fost găzduit peste noapte la Ambasada României. La Teheran a ajuns abia a doua zi, la 14. În declaraţia sa, Ivanici nu a pomenit despre ciudatul ocol făcut pe la Moscova, într-o perioadă extrem de delicată pentru regimul comunist. Este drept că nici anchetatorii nu s-au arătat prea curioşi în privinţa acelui episod, despre care nu l-au întrebat absolut nimic.

VIAŢA DE SECURIST
Mihai Bucuci, Ioan Rotar şi Nicolae Florea, trei dintre “antemergătorii” delegaţiei oficiale, erau ofiţeri superiori de Securitate. Incluse în dosarul “T-Iran”, declaraţiile lor sunt interesante chiar şi acum, după atâţia ani de la prăbuşirea regimului comunist. Din ele aflăm, în premieră, cu ce se ocupau securiştii care pregăteau detaliile “tehnice” ale vizitelor externe la nivel înalt. Mihai Bucuci era colonel la UM 0666, iar de la el aflăm: “În toate cazurile am făcut parte din grupele pregătitoare care plecau în avans faţă de delegaţiile oficiale. Aceste grupe erau conduse de cadre cu funcţii importante: miniştri adjuncţi, secretari de stat sau şefi de unităţi. Activitatea grupei se baza pe un mandat scris, compus din 8-10 puncte. Concret, erau avute în vedere stabilirea şi organizarea măsurilor de pază la aeroport, la sosire şi la plecare, traseele de deplasare, reşedinţa şi obiectivele din program, dar şi asigurarea securităţii membrilor delegaţiei când se depuneau coroane de flori ori la vizitele în fabrici, uzine şi muzee”. Bucuci a plecat la 9 decembrie 1989 şi a ajuns la Teheran la 11, după o escală de o zi la Istanbul. Timp de o săptămână a pus la punct, cu organele de specialitate iraniene, paza delegaţiei oficiale. Pentru a evita orice manifestări ostile la adresa lui Ceauşescu, securiştii români au predat organelor locale de poliţie şi de siguranţă liste cu persoanele “periculoase”, de origine română sau străină, aflate în Iran ori în ţările vecine, liste întocmite “de unităţile centrale de Securitate”. Încercând poate să convingă că nu era un apropiat al Ceauşeştilor, Bucuci s-a plâns procurorilor: “Deşi am lucrat mult timp în UM 0666, care asigura paza fostului dictator, nu am fost agreat în reşedinţe, în apartamente sau birouri. Sarcinile «de intimitate» erau rezervate cadrelor din Serviciul 1″. În acelaşi timp, Bucuci a încercat să-i convingă pe procurori că nici nu prea era mare lucru să fii în slujba directă a lui Ceauşescu: “Serviciul 1 de la UM 0666 Bucureşti, care a asigurat securitatea lui N.C. şi a soţiei sale, era compus din 20 de ofiţeri cu vârste între 25 şi 55 de ani, care lucrau în ture, 24 cu 24. Salariile nu erau mult mai mari decât ale celorlalţi militari”. El a ţinut să menţioneze special că acei ofiţeri “trebuiau să aibă o condiţie fizică foarte bună, dar şi să joace bine volei, sport foarte agreat de Ceauşescu”. Aproape că îţi vine să le plângi de milă.

COMUNICAŢII “LA LIBER”
Securiştii care pregăteau vizitele oficiale răspundeau şi de legăturile telefonice cu ţara. În Iran această sarcină i-a revenit maiorului DSS Nicolae Florea, de la UM0695, specialist în telecomunicaţii. A ajuns la Teheran la 11 decembrie şi în câteva zile a pus pe roate întregul sistem de comunicaţii cu ţara. Era vorba despre telefon şi telex, precum releul tele-foto pentru Agerpres. Principalul “beneficiar” al muncii lui a fost chiar Ceauşescu. Cei care au stat în preajma preşedintelui afirmă că acesta a vorbit foarte mult cu Elena, pe care, în anumite perioade, a sunat-o şi din jumătate în jumătate de oră. În mod ciudat, convorbirile lui telefonice, la fel ca şi restul legăturilor cu ţara, nu au fost secretizate, fapt menţionat clar de fostul maior DSS Florea. Anchetatorii din 1990 nu au fost însă curioşi să afle de ce şi cine a avut interesul să nu codifice convorbirile lui Ceauşescu, făcând astfel accesibile toate ordinele date de el de la distanţă în acele zile tulburi.

DE CINE SE TEMEA CEAUŞESCU?
Această ciudăţenie tehnică nu a fost singura. În decembrie 1989, Ion Tâlpeanu era locotenent colonel în Serviciul l în Direcţia a V-a a Securităţii şi aghiotant prezidenţial. El relatează că delegaţia propriu-zisă, cea condusă de Ceauşescu, a plecat în Iran la 18 decembrie la ora 9:05 şi a ajuns la Teheran la ora 12:00. Ciudăţenia de care vorbeam a constat într-o adevărată premieră: în spaţiul aerian naţional şi al apelor teritoriale din Marea Neagră, avionul prezidenţial a fost escortat de patru avioane de vânătoare MIG 21, aparţinând flotei aeriene române. Aceleaşi măsuri de siguranţă neobişnuite s-au luat şi la 20 decembrie ’89, când, în jurul orei 15:00, aeronava prezidenţială a revenit acasă. De ce s-o fi considerat Ceauşescu vulnerabil atât timp cât a zburat “pe cerul patriei”? Nu vom şti niciodată.

TOVARĂŞI DE DRUM
Planificată cu mult înainte, această ultimă vizită oficială s-a înscris în tiparul celorlalte. Încă sigur pe el şi pe poziţia lui politică, probabil că lui Ceauşescu nici nu i-a trecut prin cap că, la 18 decembrie 1989, când pleca la Teheran, intrase în ultima lui săptămână de viaţă. Şi că peste doar câteva zile regimul comunist din România, pe care îl condusese 24 de ani, avea să se prăbuşească. În dimineaţa plecării, Ceauşescu a vorbit la reşedinţa din Primăverii cu generalii Iulian Vlad, Vasile Milea şi cu ministrul Tudor Postelnicu, veniţi la el rând pe rând. La întâlnirile cu ei, părea calm şi foarte liniştit. La ducere, Ceauşescu a discutat, în avion, în compartimentul de lucru, cu membrii delegaţiei: Ion Stoian, fost ministru de Externe, Constantin Mitea, consilier prezidenţial pe probleme de presă, secretarul personal Mihai Hârjeu, precum şi generalii Neagoe şi Iosif Rus.

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #1 The Securitate Deny Foreign Instigation of the Timisoara Uprising

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #2 Shattered Glass: Securitate Vandalism to Justify Timisoara Crackdown

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #3 “Anti-terrorism” and Regime Repression

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #4 Timisoara Demonstrators Injured and Killed by Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #5 Timisoara (Podul Decebal) Evidence Suggests only the Securitate Had Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revoluion: #6 The Securitate Sends a Coded-Message to Its Undercovers in the Field (“Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare,” Scinteia Tineretului, 18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #7 Nicolae Ceausescu Leaves on a Less-than-spontaneous Trip to Iran (18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #8 Romania closes its borders to almost all foreigners…except Russian tourists returning from shopping trips to Yugoslavia (18-19 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #9 Ceausescu Regime Officials Involved before 22 December in Covering up Timisoara Repression…Remain Active after 22 December

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #10 The Protesters Conquer Timisoara as the Army Withdraws to Maintain Institutional Command and Control

Posted in decembrie 1989, raport final | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , | 2 Comments »

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #10 The Protesters Conquer Timisoara as the Army Withdraws to Maintain Institutional Command and Control

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 20, 2014

TIMISOARA – Decembrie 1989 posted by Tino Pagno Published on Dec 13, 2014

Radio “Europa libera” – Radiojurnalul zilei de 20 decembrie 1989

http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2008/08/24/timisoara-20-decembrie-1989-primele-cuvintari-din-balconul-operei/

http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2008/08/24/timisoara-20-decembrie-1989-nu-vrem-sa-avem-capitalismul-vrem-un-socialism-democratic/

http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2008/08/26/timisoara-21-decembrie-1989-proclamatia-fdr/

http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2008/08/24/timisoara-20-decembrie-1989-comitetul-fdr-zvonuri-intreaga-tara-s-a-ridicat-s-ar-putea-ca-miscarea-sa-fie-controlata-de-securitate-ordinele-generalului-stanculescu/

http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2011/12/12/timisoara-oras-liber-in-20-decembrie-1989-mit-sau-realitate/

https://i1.wp.com/upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/ro/a/a0/Manifest_revolutie_1989.jpg

The withdrawal on Wednesday 20 December 1989 of the Army from Timisoara–military units that had until that point participated in the repression and fired on and killed and wounded demonstrators–was not spontaneous and appears to have been dictated more by a desire to maintain institutional command and control than as a statement of clear support for the Timisoara protesters…

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2011/10/21/procesul-de-la-timisoara-ix-cine-au-fost-cei-necunoscuti-mai-in-varsta-care-au-tras-inainte-de-22-decembrie-1989-2/

Back in 1990, the suggestion that non-draftees were infiltrated and positioned among and more importantly behind soldiers was hardly a radical idea…and indeed those who admitted the Army’s role in the bloodshed also pointed to their presence.  This might shed light on the claim of Army Lieutenant Colonel Dumitru Damian in January 1990 that approximately every unit of…twenty soldiers was subordinated to a Securitate officer who would stand behind them and monitor them. These Securitate officers would give the order to shoot and threaten to shoot the soldiers on the spot if they refused the order to open fire.[92]

[92].. Lt. Col. Dumitru Damian and Major Viroel Oancea, interview by William Totok, Die Tageszeitung, 23 January 1990, in trans. Heinz Lahni, “Generalul m-a facut dobitoc,” Contrapunct, 2 March 1990, 11.

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/theories-of-collective-action-and-revolution-2000/

An excerpt from

A chapter from my Ph.D. Dissertation at Indiana University: Richard Andrew Hall, Rewriting the Revolution: Authoritarian Regime-State Relations and the Triumph of Securitate Revisionism in Post-Ceausescu Romania (defended 16 December 1996). This is the original chapter as it appeared then and thus has not been revised in any form.

20 December 1989: The Protesters Conquer Timisoara

Nicolae Ceausescu returned from Iran on the afternoon of Wednesday, 20 December. Several hours later, he took to the airwaves to denounce the “terrorist actions” in Timisoara “organized and unleashed in close connection with reactionary, imperialist, irredentist, chauvinist circles, and foreign espionage services in various foreign countries.”[14] Yet at the very moment Ceausescu was announcing to a national television audience that a “state of emergency” had been declared in Timis county, control of Timisoara was rapidly slipping away from the regime. On the morning of 20 December, Army units had begun a withdrawal from Timisoara. As soldiers disappeared from the streets, reports suggest that the remaining Securitate and Militia men either followed their lead or were overwhelmed by the crowds.[15] By evening, as many as 100,000 people–almost a third of Timisoara’s population–had reportedly taken to the center of town in triumph. What had motivated such a sudden reversal of fortunes? Had Timisoara been abandoned to the protesters?

Prevented from taking to the streets on 18 December, resistance had moved to the factories. Ad hoc strike committees were formed at some of Timisoara’s most important plants on the Monday and Tuesday. Ironically, the regime’s totalitarian reflexes appear to have contributed to the development of these strikes. In a sense “unwilling to leave well enough alone,” on Monday morning party officials had been dispatched to various factories in order to clarify what had not happened in the town the night before. Adelina Elena of the Electrobanat factory (ELBA for short) suggests that prior to the arrival of the party official at her factory, many workers indeed did not fully realize the scope of the violence on the previous night.[16] According to Elena, the presentation of the party official was so absurd that it provoked a reaction entirely opposite to what the regime wished. The party official had argued that

…hooligans, fascists, and corrupt and retrograde elements had devastated Timisoara. We also learned about Laszlo Tokes, a religious fanatic who incited vagabonds to attack, steal, and set things on fire. They also attracted children into these actions. All were drunk, including the children and the women; they had gotten drunk with the liquor which had been stolen from the supermarkets which had been broken into. They attacked the county [party] building, but not to be worried: all of them had been captured. All of them.[17]

This was the reason, they were told, for why a “state of emergency” was now in effect (unofficially declared at this point) and all gatherings of more than three people had been banned. The workers were warned about “rumor-mongering.” Upon returning to their workplaces, Elena claims that workers were left with a lingering question: “Where had so many ‘fascists,’ ‘hooligans,’ and ‘drunks’ of all ages in Timisoara come from so suddenly?”

The following morning of Tuesday, 19 December, the mostly female workforce of the ELBA plant walked off the job. The regime’s response was to send 200 soldiers to the plant to “persuade” the women to return to work. Once again, the effect was the opposite of what was intended. The women began by chanting “We will not work under arms!” and ended up chanting “Down with Ceausescu!” A panicked mayor, Petre Mot, and county party secretary, Radu Balan, rushed to the scene. Unable to disperse the angry crowd, Balan began frantically scribbling in a notebook the requests of some of the women: “We want heat…We want chocolate for our children…socks, underwear, cocoa, and cotton.”[18] Army General Stefan Guse was summoned to rescue Mot and Balan and himself ended up being cornered by the women. Only when clashes ensued outside the plant–claiming several lives in what appears to have been an intentional diversion–were the officials able to take advantage of the chaos and escape.

Back at party headquarters, General Guse was reportedly chided and ridiculed for “having been frightened by a bunch of women,” but the ELBA episode apparently left a lasting impression upon the Army recruits and perhaps even some of their commanders. After the incident, regime forces evacuated the area around the ELBA plant and the employees took to the streets. As of the afternoon of 19 December, gunfire tapered off and later ceased completely. Army recruits had confronted not vandals or foreign terrorists in the dead of night, but a determined workforce of women who were expressing basic frustration at the absurd humiliations of everyday life in the late Ceausescu era–complaints which were hardly foreign to the army recruits themselves.

By the morning of Wednesday, 20 December, a general strike prevailed throughout Timisoara and only the bread factories were in operation.[19] A demonstration in solidarity with those who had lost relatives in the violence of the preceding days–and were now demanding the return of their dead–drew columns of workers to the city center. Army units allowed citizens to proceed unhindered. This was the first clear indication of support by the Army rank and file for the demonstrators’ cause. Soldiers reportedly refused to carry out their orders and some even joined in the demonstration.[20] The slogan “The Army is with us” resounded throughout the center of Timisoara. Soon after, the Army began to withdraw to barracks.

At the time, observers were tempted to interpret this decision as evidence that the military chain of command was disintegrating and mid-level officers were taking matters into their own hands. Moreover, the withdrawal was viewed as an unequivocal sign of support for the demonstrators’ cause. Army Major Viorel Oancea, who on 22 December was to become the first Army officer in Timisoara to declare publicly his allegiance to the Revolution, nevertheless denies the idea of a spontaneous retreat: “Evidently, it was an order, the army was not in a position to be taking independent decisions…Probably General Guse or Ion Coman [took this decision]…”[21] The Army’s high command was undoubtedly concerned about its ability to maintain its institutional coherence under these circumstances and the only way to prevent a further breakdown in control was to take the soldiers off the streets.[22] Regardless of how it was intended, however, the townspeople of Timisoara nevertheless interpreted the action of retiring troops to barracks as support for their cause.

Reports suggest that while the Army’s retreat was in progress, uniformed Securitate and Militia personnel also disappeared from the streets. Whether this was part of a coordinated retreat by regime forces or was precipitated by the Army’s withdrawal is unknown. During the afternoon of 20 December, negotiations began between the “Action Committee of the Romanian Democratic Front (FDR)” (which was an outgrowth of the various strike committees set up over the previous two days) and two representatives of the regime, Prime Minister Constantin Dascalescu and fellow CPEx member Emil Bobu. At the time, such actions by senior government representatives seemed to suggest that a rift was developing in the upper reaches of the regime’s hierarchy and that some politicians might be abandoning ship. Army General Victor Stanculescu, maintains, however, that Dascalescu and Bobu had been dispatched to Timisoara on Ceausescu’s direct orders.[23] Likewise, Rady argues that they were “acting on the president’s instructions and…only playing for time.”[24]

The talks dragged on for hours and Dascalescu and Bobu made only vague promises, claiming that the demonstrators’ major demands had to await Ceausescu’s return to the country. According to Rady, such stalling tactics had been employed during the Brasov events of November 1987: negotiations had been conducted with representatives of the protesters, but once the regime had reestablished control their recent negotiating partners were promptly arrested.[25] Ceausescu’s announcement of a “state of emergency” clearly indicated that he had not ceded control of Timisoara to the demonstrators.[26] It thus seems that the disappearance of uniformed Securitate and Militia men had been designed to defuse the tense climate and to lend credibility to the effort of the regime’s negotiating team. Once the demonstrators had left the streets for good, these officers were likely to reappear.

The suggestion that the regime was merely attempting to reestablish control by other means is strengthened by the case of Ioan (Dorel) Curutiu. Puspoki has argued that the Securitate infiltrated several officers (at least one man and one woman) into the leadership of the demonstrators with the aim of compromising and manipulating the other leaders.[27] Curutiu was one of the FDR representatives who negotiated with Dascalescu and Bobu.[28] Curutiu’s comments since the events have been highly questionable.[29] But it is where Curutiu landed after the events which truly raises suspicions: in 1990 he turned up in the Interior Ministry’s “department of service and armament” with the rank of major.[30]

[14].. Quoted in Rady, Romania in Turmoil, 97.

[15].. Budapest Domestic Service, 2115 GMT 20 December 1989, in FBIS-EEU-89-244, 21 December 1989.

[16].. Adelina Elena, “Martor ocular. Fata in Fata,” Orizont, 6 January 1990, 5.

[17].. Ibid.

[18].. Ibid.

[19].. Rady, Romania in Turmoil, 96.

[20].. Ibid.; Nestor Rates, Romania: The Entangled Revolution (New York: Praeger, 1991), 33-34.

[21].. Major Viorel Oancea, interview by Tudorel Urian, “Frica, din nou pe strazi [Fear on the streets once again],” Cuvintul, no. 4 (14 February 1990), 5, 11.

[22].. Other factors have also been suggested as having hastened the withdrawal: such as the threat of the strike committee at the “Solvent” petrochemical works to blow up the plant if the Army did not withdraw immediately. See Rady, Romania in Turmoil, 96-97.

[23].. General Victor Atanasie Stanculescu, interview by Ioan Buduca, Cuvintul, no. 8-9 (29 March 1990), 9.

[24].. Rady, Romania in Turmoil, 97.

[25].. Ibid.

[26].. Ibid., 97-98.

[27].. F. Puspoki, “Piramida Umbrelor (III),” Orizont, no. 11 (16 March 1990), 4.

[28].. Radu Ciobotea, “Incredibil. La Timisoara–Militia inarma revolutionarii [Incredible. In Timisoara–the Militia was arming the revolutionaries],” Flacara, no. 33 (14 August 1991), 4-5.

[29].. He claims that on the afternoon of 20 December he was appointed “commander of the FDR’s revolutionary guards;” that the Militia sent a letter of recognition to the FDR; and that on 22 December the Militia supplied the revolutionaries with machine-guns and walkie-talkies.

[30].. Ibid.

Various associated links:

http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2009/09/07/sorin-oprea-despre-16-decembrie-89/
http://www.memorialulrevolutiei.ro/index.php?page=revista-on-line/memorial-4/decembrie-1989

http://www.memorialulrevolutiei.ro/index.php?page=revista-on-line/memorial-9/catedrala-din-timioara&quot; http://www.memorialulrevolutiei.ro/index.php?page=revista-on-line/memorial-9/catedrala-din-timioara”/

http://articles.latimes.com/1989-12-23/news/mn-540_1_mass-graves&quot

http://articles.latimes.com/1989-12-23/news/mn-540_1_mass-graves”/

20 decembrie 1989: TIMISOARA – PRIMUL ORAS LIBER

Scris de Stiri de Timisoara | Publicat in 20.12.2013 18:11 | Publicat in LOCAL | Tipareste pagina

• Ora 1,00. Generalul Iulian Topliceanu raporteaza generalului Vasile Milea ca Armata 4 se afla in faza de finalizare a masurilor pentru ,,ridicarea capacitatii de lupta”, lucrandu-se ,,24 de ore din 24”. Spre dimineata, ministrul Apararii Nationale revine cu precizarea ,,sa se actioneze la cererea primilor-secretari si a reprezentantilor Comitetului Politic Executiv pentru evitarea distrugerii edificiilor”, dar numai cu aprobarea sa.
• Orele 7,00-12,30. Timisoara este in greva generala. Muncitorii de la Intreprinderea Optica, de la Electrotimis, A.E.M., I.M.T., F.A.E.M, Spumatim, Electromotor, 13 Decembrie, I.R.A., Fabrica Banatul, Fabrica de Autoturisme, Cooperativa Progresul, Azur, Ambalajul metalic, Guban etc. incep sa se indrepte in mod masiv, organizat, grupati pe intreprinderi si in cadrul acestora pe ateliere, cu banderole albe pe brat, spre centrul orasului, scandand ,,Jos Ceausescu!”, ,,Libertate!”, Jos comunismul!”, ,,Fara violenta!”, ,,Nu suntem huligani!”, ,,Ceausescu si sotia ne-au distrus copilaria!”, ,,Armata e cu noi!”. De pe frontispicii sunt desprinse inscriptiile comuniste222. In unele zone sunt puse in functiune alarmele aeriene.
• Militarii se mai afla pe strazi (in unele locuri – Küttl – se striga ,,Sa plece armata!”, ,,Asasinilor!”), in dispozitive, dar nu mai reactioneaza.
,,La intersectia Bulevardului Victoria cu strada Onesti – releva Aurelian David Mihut – undeva in stanga pe directia noastra de mers, stationau trei T.A.B.-uri cu motoarele pornite. Ne asteptam ca din moment in moment sa traga in noi. Eram in primele randuri. Vazand ca acele care de lupta nu au intentia sa se retraga, cativa insi le-am ocolit in lateral si ne-am urcat pe ele. Am infipt batul unui tricolor cu stema decupata in teava mitralierei de bord si am batut in chepengul inchis, tragand in sus de manere. Capacul s-a ridicat si am vazut niste figuri speriate de militari in termen. I-am linistit spunand ca suntem fratii lor. Le-am cerut sa iasa afara. Spaima lor s-a transformat in bucurie insotita de lacrimi atunci cand ne-am imbratisat. A fost cel mai impresionant moment pe care l-am trait vreodata in viata mea. O euforie generala, oamenii isi ofereau biscuiti, paine, tigari, chiar si bani… Ne-am indreptat apoi spre Opera, insotiti de T.A.B.-ul respectiv. Era primul semn ca armata e cu noi”223.
• In fata Consulatului iugoslav, manifestantii cer sa fie filmati si fotografiati si scandeaza ,,Iugoslavia!”, ,,Iugoslavia!”, ,,Sarbii sunt cu noi!”, ,,Noi nu suntem fascisti si huligani!”. Viceconsulul Slobodan Kreckovic le raspunde: ,,Aceasta este o problema interna romaneasca, iar poporul roman este capabil sa-si rezolve problemele sale”224.
• Din fata Primariei, militarii se retrag pe Bulevardul Victoriei.
• La Catedrala se scandeaza: ,,Exista Dumnezeu! Exista Dumnezeu!”, ,,Sa se traga clopotul!”, ,,Dumnezeu este cu noi!”.
• Spre cladirea Operei, dinspre piata, se indreapta o mare masa de revolutionari.
Detasamentul de militari, comandat de maiorul Vasile Paul, asezat in lant de tragatori in apropierea cladirii someaza, in zadar, multimea sa se opreasca, facand cunoscut ca au ordin sa traga. Din multime, Claudiu Iordache se desface la piept si se adreseaza militarilor cu cuvintele: ,,Trageti! Trageti in mine!”. Soldatii ezita si apoi se retrag treptat225.
• Multimea scandeaza: ,,Armata e cu noi!”, ,,Noi suntem poporul!”, ,,Voi pe cine aparati?”, ,,Libertate! Libertate!”, ,,Sa fie judecat pentru mortii din Banat! Sa fie judecat aicea in Banat!”, ,,Fara violenta!”, ,,Si noi suntem romani!”. Soldatii continua sa se retraga spre zidul Operei.
• Ioan Lorin Fortuna desface pancartele pregatite anterior pe care scrisese ,,Unde ne sunt mortii!”, ,,Jos Ceausescu!”, ,,Asta-i Timisoara! – Unde este tara?” si le ofera cetatenilor din jur.
• Multimea ingenuncheaza si rosteste ,,Tatal Nostru!” (indemnati sa faca acelasi lucru, militarii raman in picioare, dar incep sa se retraga; unii iau pozitie de drepti)226.
• Un grup de manifestanti, printre care Ioan Lorin Fortuna, Claudiu Iordache, Ioan Chis, Stefan Ivan, Sorin Iordachescu s.a., se indreapta spre intrarea principala a Operei, fara a li se mai opune rezistenta227. Patrund in cladire prin doua intrari separate si apar in balcon.
• Alte coloane ajung in fata Comitetului Judetean de Partid, unde scandeaza ,,Armata e cu noi!” si ofera militarilor paine, apa si flori228.
• Ora 11. Cu aprobarea generalului Vasile Milea, generalul Stefan Gusa repeta ordinul de interzicere totala a uzului de arma si de a se permite manifestantilor din Timisoara sa se deplaseze pe arterele principale ale orasului. Pana la ora 12,00, militarii sunt retrasi, cu mici exceptii, din centrul orasului.
• Generalul Borsics L., seful Marelui Stat Major al armatei ungare, intreaba, la telefon229, pe generalul Nicolae Eftimescu, prim-loctiitor al sefului Marelui Stat Major si sef al Directiei Operatii, daca ,,sunt reale zvonurile privind trecerea armatei romane la capacitatea de lupta ridicata si folosirea acesteia cu tancuri si T.A.B.- uri impotriva poporului”.
I s-a raspuns ca au fost luate masuri de ridicare a capacitatii de lupta a armatei romane ca urmare a ,,unor incidente provocate la Timisoara de huligani si rauvoitori, care au atacat sediile oficiale si obiective militare”, ca romanii nu au ,,nici un fel de pretentii teritoriale impotriva nimanui”, ca nu intentioneaza sa atace pe nimeni, dar ca se vor apara daca vor fi atacati, ca stirile transmise de agentiile straine (inclusiv de cele maghiare) privind concentrarea armatei romane la granita nu corespund realitatii si ca trupele desfasoara activitati de pregatire de lupta in garnizoanele in care sunt dislocate230.
• Generalul Ilie Ceausescu soseste la Arad si prezinta in fata cadrelor militare din UM 01380 situatia de la Timisoara. Cu acel prilej, seful Consiliului Politic Superior al Armatei cere directorilor de intreprinderi ,,sa organizeze adunari de condamnare a huliganilor, iredentistilor si fascistilor din Timisoara”, sa sporeasca vigilenta, deoarece era posibil ca si la Arad sa se pregateasca ,,ceva asemanator”.
• In Cluj-Napoca se raspandesc fluturasi cu urmatorul continut: ,,Romani, a sosit timpul sa fim liberi!”, ,,Jos Ceausescu!”, ,,Jos comunismul!”.
Oamenii se aduna in grupuri, dispersate de patrulele de Militie, care cer: ,,Circulati, va rog!”231
• Ziua. Ion Stoian, ministrul de Externe, invita pe ambasadorii statelor participante la Tratatul de la Varsovia si pe ambasadorii tarilor membre C.A.E.R. si le cere, ,,cu fermitate”, ca statele pe care le re-prezinta ,,sa nu intervina in desfasurarea evenimentelor din Romania si sa nu sustina o eventuala patrundere a trupelor sovietice in Romania”.
• Organele de informatii militare fac cunoscut ca in sud-vestul Marii Negre, forte maritime bulgare executa, in cooperare cu Flota sovietica din zona, activitati de pregatire de lupta.
• Orele 12,30… Balconul Operei devine centrul Revolutiei timisorene232.
La propunerea lui Ioan Lorin Fortuna se constituie un Comitet de initiativa al revolutionarilor233 si Frontul Democrat(ic) Roman234, ca organizatie politica menita ,,a realiza un dialog cu guvernul, in scopul democratizarii tarii”235. Profitand de faptul ca acolo se afla instalata o statie de amplificare, pregatita (dupa unele surse) pentru prim-ministrul Constantin Dascalescu, sosit intre timp la Timisoara, Ioan Lorin Fortuna solicita multimii si intreprinderilor sa se mobilizeze, sa-si desemneze delegati care sa-i reprezinte in Frontul Democratic Roman., sa declanseze greva generala. Apoi, dupa constituirea Biroului Executiv al Frontului Democrat(ic) Roman236, primii lideri ai revolutiei timisorene isi exprima la microfon opiniile237. Incepe Ioan Lorin Fortuna: ,,Stimati concetateni, in acest moment ia nastere prima formatiune politica de opozitie fata de dictatura ceausista. Fiti mandri ca, impreuna cu noi, veti instaura un regim democratic, printr-o lupta din care excludem violenta”. Claudiu Iordache face apel la solidaritate: ,,Singura solutie este sa ramanem impreuna”. Nicolae Badilescu releva semnificatia europeana a momentului: ,,Prin modul civilizat, prin daruirea dovedita de fiecare dintre voi in refuzul de-a mai trai sub teroarea dictaturii ceausiste, ne-am asigurat intrarea in Europa. Suntem in sfarsit europeni”. Mai vorbesc: Ioan Chis, Maria Traistaru s.a.
• Multimea scandeaza ,,Jos Ceausescu!”, ,,Nu plecam!”, ,,Noi nu plecam de aici!”, ,,Azi in Timisoara, maine-n toata tara!”, ,,Armata e cu noi!”.
• In acest timp, aradenii manifesteaza si ei tacut, in grupuri, in piete si pe strazi si constituie si ei Frontul Democratic Roman.
• Ora 12,40. Generalul Nicolae Eftimescu solicita generalului Borsics L. sa-i explice sensul declaratiei facute de presedintele interimar al Republicii Ungare, Szurös, la 19 decembrie, conform careia ,,autoritatile maghiare vor sprijini actiunea ca Ardealul sa devina regiune autonoma”.
Oficialul militar de la Budapesta raspunde ca armata ungara nu are nici un fel de amestec in aceasta problema si ca, personal, nu-si poate explica declaratia presedintelui.
La intrebarea referitoare la apelul Forumului Democratic Maghiar adresat tuturor etnicilor unguri din afara teritoriului national ca la 22 decembrie sa arboreze drapele negre in memoria victimelor de la Timisoara, generalul maghiar a replicat ca nu poate da nici un raspuns.
A adaugat ca armata ungara isi desfasoara instructia in garnizoanele de baza si ca se pregateste pentru intampinarea sarbatorilor de iarna238.
• La Timisoara, generalul Stefan Gusa ordona retragerea efectivelor militare si a tehnicii de lupta in cazarmi, masura fiind aprobata de ministrul Apararii Nationale, generalul Vasile Milea. In oras raman doar mici subunitati pentru paza depozitelor si obiectivelor economice importante.
• Ora 14,30. La Timisoara soseste, cu un avion special, Constantin Dascalescu, primul-ministru, insotit de Emil Bobu si de trei ministri.
Constatand situatia din oras, acesta se adreseaza lui Ion Coman: ,,Unde e Armata? De ce nu ne apara? Ati scapat situatia de sub control!”. In fata intrebarilor incriminatoare, Ion Coman spune adevarul: ,,Timisoara este in mainile timisorenilor!”.
• Orele 14,00…. In fata Comitetului Judetean de Partid Timis, manifestantii scandeaza ,,Libertate!”, ,,Armata e cu noi!” etc. si incearca un dialog cu Radu Balan. Ion Marcu, infasurat cu un cearsaf alb pe care scria ,,Libertate!”, ,,Democratie!” si ,,Jos Ceausescu!”, mobilizeaza multimea, care scandeaza lozinci impotriva lui Ceausescu. Spre surprinderea multimii, un activist anunta ca primul-ministru este dispus sa primeasca o delegatie din trei persoane. Dupa un moment de confuzie, se constituie un grup mai mare de demonstranti care sunt lasati sa patrunda in sala de sedinta unde intra in dialog cu Nicolae Dascalescu. Membrii grupului nu se cunosteau intre ei. Pentru siguranta (spre a nu fi arestati), o parte dintre manifestanti au intrat intr-un dispozitiv de paza a cladirii, pentru a proteja pe reprezentantii lor de la negocieri. Acestia se constituie intr-un Comitet Cetatenesc, intocmesc o lista cu numele lor pentru a fi facuta publica. Pe lista au fost inscrisi: Ioan Savu, Ioan Marcu, Petre Borosoiu, Sorin Oprea, Virgil Socaciu, Mircea Muresan, Dan Carp, Petre Petrisor, Nicolae Vartan, Mihai Badele, Adela Sabaila, Corneliu Pop, Valentin Vinter s.a.)239. Constantin Dascalescu ii ia ,,tare”: ,,Ce vreti ? Ce vreti, tovarasilor, cu adunatura asta de afara?. Unii sunt intimidati. Ioan Savu se retrage intr-o parte a camerei si pune pe hartie cateva deziderate pe care le prezinta apoi primului-ministru pe care il intreaba: ,,Cine a dat ordin sa se traga in manifestanti ? Care e numarul mortilor si ranitilor? Unde sunt mortii nostri, pentru a-i ingropa dupa datini, crestineste? ”. Surprins si incercand sa traga de timp, Constantin Dascalescu incearca sa evite raspunsurile aratand ca fiind sosit de cateva ore in Timisoara nu cunoaste situatia si nu poate raspunde imediat. Apoi bate cu pumnul in masa si ameninta cu moartea prin impuscare (la fel ca ceilalti activisti de partid din incapere). Curajos, Ioan Savu pluseaza: ,,Domnule prim-ministru, mi-ati inteles colegii in mod gresit. Noi nu vrem revendicari marunte, nu acceptam concesii de conjunctura. Adica discutia noastra poate incepe cu urmatoarele doua puncte : 1. demisia guvernului actual. 2. Demiterea lui Ceausescu”.
Ingrozit, Constantin Dascalescu il intrerupe si exclama: ,,Esti nebun!”. Ioan Savu este insa de neoprit si continua (chiar daca era intrerupt in permanenta de primul-ministru): 3. Constituirea unui guvern al salvarii nationale. 4. Sa se comunice numarul mortilor si al ranitilor. 5. Sa se elibereze detinutii. 6 Sa ni se redea mortii pentru a-i inmormanta. 7 Sa se asigure transmisia in direct, la radio si televiziune, a evenimentelor din oras. 8. Sa se comunice Consulatului iugoslav o lista a membrilor comitetului cetatenesc, ca si a doleantelor lor etc.”. In final, Constantin Dascalescu ameninta din nou: ,,Te fac raspunzator de tot ce se va intampla. Daca cei de jos vor intra, soldatii din cladire vor trage, asta e ordinul, si de toate nenorocirile ce vor urma vei raspunde dumneata. E clar?”. Fara efect insa deoarece Ioan Savu se adreseaza multimii de pe balconul cladirii si este ovationat. Apoi revine in sala si spune: ,,Domnilor, incercati sa realizati dimensiunea exacta a situatiei ? Ii auziti ?… Doriti un dezastru ? Va asumati responsabilitatea nenorocirilor ce s-ar putea produce daca nu intrati in dialog cu noi?… Ceea ce facem noi e treaba serioasa, de aceea va rog sa notati, sa treceti totul pe hartie. Luati un pix, un creion si notati revendicarile noastre punct cu punct. Va rog!”. Vrand-nevrand, primul-ministru incepe sa noteze apoi se retrage pentru deliberare cu apropiatii. Revine si ameninta din nou.
Ca si Ioan Savu, de altfel: ,,Dar orice ati face, domnule Dascalescu, sa stiti ca e degeaba, fiindca puterea, cu toate trupele dumneavoastra si din cladire si de afara, e in mainile miilor de demonstranti de jos!”240.
• Intre timp, conducatorii revolutionarilor din balconul Operei sunt invitati de conducatorii revolutionarilor de la Judeteana de Partid, sa participe la tratative cu delegatia guvernamentala condusa de Constantin Dascalescu. Este trimis Nicolae Badilescu, cu o lista minimala de revendicari (demiterea lui Nicolae Ceausescu, eliberarea imediata a celor arestati, restituirea mortilor etc.), insotit de cateva sute de persoane. In sediul Comitetului Judetean de Partid, Nicolae Badilescu replica si el lui Nicolae Dascalescu: ,,Pentru noi, presedintele Nicolae Ceausescu nu mai exista”. Apoi revine la Opera, unde informeaza despre esecul misiunii, cere multimii sa ramana peste noapte ,,pe aceasta Campie a Libertatii noastre” si cheama, pentru a doua zi, la greva generala. Seara se constituie o alta delegatie (Ioan Lorin Fortuna, Claudiu Iordache, Nicolae Badilescu, Mihaela Munteanu s.a.), care, insotita de cateva sute de manifestanti, se deplaseaza din nou, intre orele 17,00-18,00, la Comitetul Judetean de Partid, fiind primiti cu urale de catre manifestantii din zona. In alte locuri din oras se scandeaza: ,,Jos criminalul!”, ,,Jos ticalosul!”, ,,Ceausescu spanzurat, aici in Banat!”, ,,Jos cu pantofarul!”.
Concomitent, din balconul Judetenei de Partid, Petre Borosoiu scandeaza: ,,Jos Ceausescu!”, ,,Jos guvernul!”. In schimb, Constantin Dascalescu este huiduit.
• Revolutionarii cer, printr-un document cu valoare de Proclamatie, demisia lui Nicolae Ceausescu si a guvernului, alegeri libere, infiintarea ,,unui centru de ancheta pentru lamurirea ordinii de la Timisoara”, tragerea la ,,raspundere penala a celor vinovati”, eliberarea detinutilor politici, stabilirea celor care au dat ordin sa se traga la Timisoara, restituirea celor care au fost ucisi catre familiile indoliate pentru ,,a fi ingropati crestineste”, informarea opiniei publice de catre Nicolae Ceausescu (la Televiziune) despre ,,situatia reala de la Timisoara”, libertatea presei, libertatea Radioului si Televiziunii, reforma invatamantului etc.241
• Revendicarile, transcrise de Ioan Savu, sunt prezentate multimii de catre Petre Petrisor.
• Pentru a fi siguri ca lumea le va cunoaste doleantele, in caz de represiune dura din partea autoritatilor romane, revolutionarii intocmesc o lista cu revendicarile si cu numele liderilor, care este dusa la Consulatul iugoslav (la fel procedasera si conducatorii revolutionarilor din balconul Operei).
• Intre timp, multimea scandeaza lozinci anticeausiste si antidictatoriale: ,,Jos Ceausescu!”, ,,Jos analfabeta!”, ,,Vrem paine pentru copii!”, ,,Libertate!”, ,,Pentru mortii din Banat, cine-i vinovat?”, ,,Ceausescu si sotia nu au loc in Romania!”, ,,Pana la Craciun sa scapam de-acest nebun!”, ,,Dati-ne detinutii!” etc.
• Se aprind lumanari.
• Dintre toate revendicarile, prim-ministrul242 informeaza la telefon pe Nicolae Ceausescu doar despre restituirea mortilor si eliberarea celor arestati243. Seful statului aproba, astfel incat, la ora 18,00, sunt eliberati o parte dintre cei arestati, care se deplaseaza in Piata Operei, fiind primiti cu caldura de catre manifestanti.
• Dupa retragerea lui Constantin Dascalescu, Emil Bobu si Ilie Matei in cabinetul primului-secretar pentru audierea teleconferintei lui Nicolae Ceausescu, de la ora 19,00 (ascultata si de manifestantii din fata Judetenei de Partid prin cuplarea microfoanelor la difuzoare), delegatia revolutionarilor (inclusiv cei de la Opera) continua discutia cu Radu Balan, Cornel Pacoste si alti activisti de partid. Constatand ca reprezentantii puterii erau ,,tot la cheremul lui Nicolae Ceausescu”, Ioan Lorin Fortuna invita revolutionarii de la Judeteana de Partid sa mearga la Opera, care ,,fiind lacas de cultura, oferea o protectie mai sigura si se diminua riscul represiunii”244. Revolutionarii de la Judeteana raman insa pe loc. Cei de la Opera pleaca, insotiti de circa 2 000 de oameni.
Noaptea tarziu, conducatorii revolutionarilor de la Comitetul Judetean de Partid au fost evacuati cu forta din cladire, deplasandu-se si ei la Opera.
• Ora 14,40. Se vorbeste despre intoarcerea lui Nicolae Ceausescu.
• Dupa-amiaza. In Cluj-Napoca se raspandesc manifeste antidictatoriale, pe ziduri se scriu, cu creta si vopsea, lozinci cu acelasi caracter: ,,Jos Ceausescu!”, ,,Vrem paine, carne, caldura!”; in unitatile economice se discuta despre iesirea in strada pentru a se manifesta in sprijinul Timisoarei.
• La Comandamentul Armatei 4, generalul Ilie Ceausescu face o informare despre evenimentele de la Timisoara, precizand ca acolo se desfasoara o actiune diversionista si terorista, organizata de autoritatile de la Budapesta, cu sprijin american, sovietic si occidental, avand ca scop declansarea unui conflict armat si anexarea Transilvaniei de catre Ungaria245.
• Cu acelasi prilej, secretarul Consiliului Politic Superior al Armatei ii cere lui Ioachim Moga sa organizeze adunari ale oamenilor muncii (pe sectii, schimburi si ateliere) in cadrul carora sa se ia atitudine fata de evenimentele de la Timisoara. La cererea primului-secretar de partid, statul major al Armatei 4 intocmeste un plan de actiune a unitatilor militare (10% din efective) in vederea participarii la ,,apararea ordinii publice”, alaturi de trupele de Securitate si de Militie.
• La Varsovia, incepand cu ora 15,15, in fata Ambasadei romane, circa 300 de persoane scandeaza lozinci cu caracter anticomunist, condamna represiunile de la Timisoara, pun lumanari in memoria victimelor, sparg geamurile cladirii si arunca vopsea pe zidurile cladirii, dau foc la instalatia electrica de la intrare (la interfon si sonerie), arunca pietre, sticle, afise si manifeste in curtea ambasadei, cer guvernului polonez sa intrerupa relatiile economice cu Romania etc246.
• Ora 18,00. La Bucuresti, in cadrul unei teleconferinte cu activul de partid din judete, Nicolae Ceausescu apreciaza ca evenimentele de la Timisoara ,,au fost organizate si dirijate de cercurile revansarde, revizioniste, de serviciile de spionaj straine, cu scopul clar de a provoca dezordine, de a destabiliza situatia din Romania, de a actiona in directia lichidarii independentei si integritatii teritoriale a Romaniei”247, cere sa se organizeze in intreprinderi adunari in care ,,sa se adopte motiuni de condamnare a acelora care s-au pus in slujba strainatatii, a cercurilor straine”, sa se constituie grupe speciale de aparare a ordinii in intreprinderi si institutii, precizeaza ca ,,armata trebuie sa inteleaga bine ca ea are astazi marea raspundere, in fata poporului, de a apara si respinge orice actiuni care sunt impotriva independentei, suveranitatii si integritatii teritoriale, a linistii, a constructiei socialiste in tara noastra”248.
• Ora 19,00. Continuand sa aprecieze ca evenimentele de la Timisoara erau consecinta actiunilor grupurilor antinationale si teroriste puse in slujba agenturilor straine, Nicolae Ceausescu rosteste la Radio si Televiziune o cuvantare, apreciind ca evenimentele de la Timisoara, in special cele din seara zilei de 17 decembrie, au avut un ,,caracter terorist”, fiind ,,organizate si declansate in stransa legatura cu cercurile reactionare, imperialiste, iredentiste, soviniste si cu serviciile de spionaj din diferite tari straine” in scopul de ,,a provoca dezordinea in vederea destabilizarii situatiei politice, economice, de a crea conditiile dezmembrarii teritoriale a Romaniei, distrugerii independentei si suveranitatii patriei noastre socialiste”, de ,,a opri cursul dezvoltarii socialiste a Romaniei”. Dupa ce a evidentiat rolul Armatei, care ,,si-a indeplinit pe deplin datoria fata de patrie, fata de popor, fata de cuceririle socialismului”, Nicolae Ceausescu s-a adresat ,,tuturor cetatenilor patriei – fara deosebire de nationalitate – cu chemarea de a da dovada de o intelegere deplina a situatiei grave care s-a creat prin actiunile teroriste de la Timisoara si de a actiona, in deplina unitate si solidaritate, pentru apararea socialismului, de a face totul pentru a nu se permite sa se repete asemenea stari de lucruri”. Apoi se angajeaza sa actioneze ,,in orice imprejurari in interesul poporului, pentru bunastarea si fericirea sa, in interesul constructiei socialiste, a independentei si suveranitatii tarii”249.
• Ora 19,20. La Lugoj, in timp ce o coloana de manifestanti se deplasa spre platforma industriala a orasului, un militar din UM 01140 din oras a deschis foc automat (fara ordin) impuscand mortal doua persoane (Valentin Rosada si Darie Brocea, care au devenit ,,un simbol al libertatii pentru lugojeni”250) si ranind alte doua (Nicolae Simion Stoica si Nicolae Mircea Bejan)251.
• Ora 20,00. Nicolae Ceausescu cheama pe insarcinatul de afaceri sovietic in Romania si acuza Uniunea Sovietica si celelalte state membre ale Tratatului de la Varsovia ca au coordonat activitatile indreptate impotriva Romaniei252.
• Ora 20,30. Nicolae Ceausescu semneaza decretul prezidential cu privire la instituirea Starii de Necesitate pe intreg teritoriul judetului Timis, prin care ,,toate unitatile armatei, Ministerului de Interne si formatiunilor garzilor patriotice sunt puse in stare de alarma”. Concomitent, se interzic ,,orice intruniri publice, precum si circulatia in grupuri mai mari de cinci persoane” (cu exceptia persoanelor care lucrau in schimbul de noapte, a fost interzisa circulatia pe timpul noptii incepand cu ora 23) etc.253. Apoi ordona constituirea unor detasamente de luptatori ai garzilor patriotice din judetele Dolj, Olt si Valcea (circa 25 000 de oameni), inarmati cu bate pentru a fi trimisi la Timisoara in vederea reprimarii demonstrantilor254 si cere lui Barbu Petrescu sa organizeze pentru a doua zi un miting in Bucuresti la care sa participe 100000 de ,,oameni ai muncii”, care sa condamne evenimentele de la Timisoara.
• Orele 21,00. Revenita in centrul orasului, coloana de manifestanti lugojeni se indreapta spre sediul Comitetului municipal de partid, unde Petrica Balint forteaza usa dupa care circa 50 de manifestanti patrund inauntru produc pagube si alunga activistii de partid. In jurul orei 22,30, o parte din manifestanti se indrepta spre sediul Militiei, unde sunt primiti cu foc. In orele urmatoare, aflati intr-o mare stare de surescitare, manifestantii (si nu numai) au executat numeroase spargeri de magazine si devastari in oras (pana spre orele 2 noaptea), inclusiv la primarie.
In final, organele de forta ale statului au intervenit si au arestat circa 50 de persoane255.
• Ora 23,00. Intra in vigoare decretul privind instituirea starii de necesitate pe intreg teritoriul judetului Timis.
• Din ordinul lui Nicolae Ceausescu, Ion Coman256 numeste pe generalul Victor Stanculescu in functia de comandant militar al Timisoarei (functie neprevazuta in regulamente) si-i cere sa citeasca din balconul Comitetului Judetean de Partid decretul de instituire a starii de necesitate.
Victor Stanculescu se eschiveaza si se interneaza in spital, invocand o criza biliara. Intr-un asemenea context, decretul este citit de catre generalul Mihai Chitac257.
• Noaptea. In Piata Operei din Timisoara raman doar cateva sute de persoane258. Din balcon, Petre Borosoiu le cere: ,,Romani, adunativa!”, ,,Avem nevoie de voi!”, ,,Nu trebuie sa dati dovada de lasitate in aceasta noapte!”. Pe pancarte se poate citi: ,,Europa e cu noi!”, ,,Traiasca perestroika”(o lozinca insolita, nicaieri repetata in Timisoara sau in alta parte), ,,Fara violenta!”. Conducatorii revolutionarilor timisoreni asteapta reactia autoritatilor259. Unii dintre membrii Biroului Executiv al Frontului Democrat(ic) Roman coboara in Piata Operei si raman impreuna cu tinerii, care aprinsesera un foc in jurul caruia se creeaza ,,o atmosfera tinereasca, plina de optimism, foarte tonica – dupa cum isi aminteste Lorin Fortuna. Se canta, se spuneau glume”.
Cu toate ca ordinul de capturare a conducatorilor revolutionarilor fusese dat, cei care trebuiau sa-l execute au taraganat indeplinirea misiunii.
• Reactii externe:
François Mitterand, presedintele Frantei, aflat in vizita in R.D.G., declara la Televiziune: ,,Nu e un regim ideologic. E un regim personal, familial, care nu are nici un motiv sa subziste. Sunt convins ca zilele acestui regim, intr-o Europa aflata in plina evolutie, sunt numarate. Dar cu ce pret? In concluzie, condamn acest regim!”260.
Laurent Fabius, presedintele Adunarii Nationale din Franta, isi exprima convingerea ca ,,libertatea poporului roman va invinge”. Deputatii pastreaza un minut de reculegere in semn de protest fata de reprimarea demonstrantilor de la Timisoara.
Michel Rocard, prim-ministrul francez, afirma in fata Adunarii Nationale: ,,Vreau sa exprim sentimentele de oroare si de indignare pe care acest regim mi le inspira si ni le inspira tuturor. Poporul roman are dreptul, ca toate celelalte, la democratie, la libertate si la respectul drepturilor sale! Franta intreaga si Adunarea Nationala sunt solidare cu poporul roman oprimat! Regimul lui Ceausescu nu va putea sa continue sa-si bata joc de Europa si de drepturile cele mai elementare ale omului. Soarta rezervata acestor dictatori e cea a tuturor regimurilor nefaste de acest tip. Va cadea! Si cu cat mai curand, cu atat mai bine!”261.
Robert Besson, deputat in Adunarea Nationala Franceza, isi exprima convingerea ca ,, regimul Ceausescu va sfarsi prin a cadea, caci Victoria unui popor, in lupta pentru dreptate, este ineluctabila.”
Edouard Balladur, fost ministru al Economiei si Finantelor, declara si el in Adunarea Nationala franceza: ,,La ora cand miscarea pentru libertate castiga teren in Europa intreaga, trebuie sa fim plini de speranta de a reconstitui unitatea morala in jurul acelorasi valori ale civilizatiei.
Europenii au imperioasa datorie de a nu ramane pasivi. Trebuie sa actionam (…). Este indispensabil ca guvernele Europei sa studieze impreuna modalitatile de constrangere a guvernului roman de a inceta represiunea sangeroasa pe care o intreprinde. Romanii, ca si celelalte popoare ale Europei Centrale si Orientale, au dreptul sa spere la o soarta mai libera si mai dreapta. Nu trebuie sa ne resemnam cu pasivitate la o situatie care ne pare ineluctabila pentru ca suntem timizi si pentru ca ne lasam invinsi, toate guvernele din Occident, de altfel, prin tergiversari diplomatice. In momentul in care Presedintele Republicii Franceze intreprinde un voiaj in Germania de Est, guvernul trebuie sa considere ca Frantei i se acorda ocazia de a lua initiativa de a invita guvernele din Europa sa se uneasca. Astfel, Franta va arata intrun mod stralucit, si in acelasi timp concret, ca nu se dezintereseaza de soarta acestui popor nefericit. Ea ar trebui sa ramana, in felul acesta, fidela mesajului ei bisecular pentru respectarea drepturilor omului”262.
Delegatiile celor 16 state membre N.A.T.O. condamna ,,brutala represiune exercitata de autoritatile romane impotriva drepturilor inalienabile si libertatilor fundamentale ale poporului roman”263.
William Waldgrave, ministrul adjunct de Externe al Marii Britanii, declara la B.B.C.: ,,Informarea corecta si cuprinzatoare a cetatenilor romani are o importanta imensa. Numai asa le vom putea dovedi romanilor ca opinia publica mondiala urmareste comportamentul regimului de la Bucuresti si numai asa vom putea arata ca, dupa parerea noastra, zilele regimului sunt numarate si ca in curand persecutiile pe care oamenii le-au suferit se vor sfarsi”264.
Eduard Sevardnadze apreciaza – intr-o scrisoare adresata lui M.S. Gorbaciov – ca informatiile referitoare la evenimentele din Romania sunt ,,adesea contradictorii si nu permit formarea unei imagini reale”, incercarile sovietice de a obtine ,,versiunea oficiala a Bucurestiului” neducand la ,,nici un rezultat”. Intr-un asemenea context, I.P. Aboimov, adjunctul ministrului Afacerilor Externe cere ambasadorului roman Ion Bucur sa prezinte ,,o informare despre situatia reala existenta, pentru orientarea partii sovietice”. ,,Pravda” isi informeaza cititorii ca pe strazile Bucurestilor au aparut patrule mixte, de militie si garzi patriotice.
La randu-le, ,,Sovetskaia Rassia”, ,,Selskaia Jizni”, ,,Sotialisticeskogo Industria” publica articole referitoare la ,,incordarea” si ,,dezordinile” din Romania.
Franz Vranitzky, cancelarul Austriei, anunta planul de restrangere a relatiilor economice cu Romania.
Alois Mock, ministrul de Externe al Austriei, declara pentru ziarul ,,Times”: ,,Calcarea brutala in picioare a celor mai elementare drepturi ale omului in Romania a creat o stare periculoasa pentru pacea Europei”265.
Toshiki Kaifu, primul-ministru al Japoniei, isi exprima profunda ingrijorare in legatura cu situatia din Romania. Presa japoneza condamna si ea utilizarea armelor impotriva populatiei pasnice.
Dennis Decincini si Stan Hoyer, congresmeni americani, membri ai Comitetului Helsinki – organism al Congresului S.U.A. – apreciaza printr-o declaratie comuna ca guvernul roman ,,recurgand la violenta, nu face decat sa sublinieze, o data in plus, falimentul propriilor sale idealuri, care se dovedesc foarte indepartate de aspiratiile poporului roman. Spre deosebire de miselia unui regim care se ascunde in spatele tunurilor cu apa si al armelor de foc, oamenii ce au protestat la Timisoara au dovedit curaj si convingerea ca vor apuca ziua in care sa vada Romania rupand si ea trecutul ei stalinist, alaturandu-se unei Europe renascute si bazate pe principiile respectarii drepturilor umane”266.
Eugen Ionesco declara lui Radu Portocala, corespondentul de la Paris al postului de radio ,,Vocea Americii”: ,,Sunt ingrozit. Eu cred ca a pierdut partida Ceausescu! Si-a dat seama ca Romania nu-l iubeste si atunci e un fel de razbunare odioasa; se razbuna pe lumea intreaga!”.
Intrebat daca are un mesaj catre poporul roman, cunoscutul dramaturg adauga: ,,Da! O sa biruiasca, cu tot greul si cu toate sacrificiile, si cred ca pana la urma o sa fie bine, o sa fie bine!”267.
Patrik Boyer, membru al Parlamentului Federal Canadian si consilier al ministrului de Externe al Canadei, condamna represiunea din Romania: ,,Iar acum, la aflarea stirilor din Romania, suntem coplesiti de brutalitatea cu care autoritatile au reactionat impotriva demonstrantilor, respingand sangeros orice revendicari asemanatoare acelora care se manifesta in intreaga Europa de Rasarit. Este simptomatic pentru regimul de la Bucuresti ca nu a permis difuzarea nici unei stiri despre evenimentele care s-au petrecut in ultimele zile in Romania… In toate aspectele vietii intelegem ca este vorba de un regim care, acum, recurge la forta militara pentru a-si mentine dominatia asupra poporului care nu se deosebeste prin nimic de alte popoare din Europa Rasariteana si care a simtit ca i-a ajuns cutitul la os si ca a sosit timpul sa rastoarne regimul opresiv”268.
Wiliam Armstrong, senator de Colorado, declara: ,,Sunt de-a dreptul ingrozit de modul in care a reactionat regimul Ceausescu, ca de altfel modul in care a reactionat la aproape orice incercare a poporului roman de a-si revendica libertati religioase, libertatea de exprimare si libertatea de circulatie. Este o intensificare a represiunii, este o practica sistematica perpetuata de regimul Ceausescu, aproape un sindrom, care, personal, mi se pare revoltator si ofensator la adresa constiintei publice internationale”269.
Eugen Mihaescu declara prin telefon, de la New York, postului de radio ,,Vocea Americii”: ,,Este o crima nemaipomenita, vuieste toata Europa si cred ca pana la urma va iesi adevarul la lumina! Eu sunt mandru ca in sangele meu curge si o parte din sangele ardelean si totdeauna Ardealul a fost fruntea!”.
Radu Campeanu, presedintele Asociatiei Fostilor Detinuti Politici din Romania cu sediul la Paris, transmite poporului roman un mesaj, prin radio ,,Europa Libera”: ,,Represiunea sangeroasa de la Timisoara a zguduit constiinta romanilor din tara si strainatate! Toti se inclina in fata sacrificiului celor care au murit pentru libertatea si demnitatea poporului roman. Jertfa lor a intrat de pe acum in istorie si cu siguranta ca ea nu va ramane inutila… Lumea intreaga a condamnat represiunea de la Timisoara si pe cel in numele caruia ea s-a facut! Noi, romanii din strainatate, nu vom inceta sa cerem guvernelor occidentale izolarea politica si diplomatica a lui Ceausescu, ca si boicotarea economica a regimului sau! Vom face tot ce ne sta in putinta pentru a mari presiunea internationala asupra actualului regim de la Bucuresti! Compatriotii nostri din tara sa stie ca suntem nu numai cu sufletul alaturi de ei, dar ca nu vom precupeti nici un efort ca sa-i ajutam oricand si oricum, pentru a contribui impreuna la eliberarea Romaniei de sub jugul unei tiranii fara precedent in istoria noastra”270.
Christopher Smidt, congresman de Colorado, acuza, se declara optimist si ofera ajutor: ,,Cred ca este inca o dovada a modului in care Ceausescu foloseste trupele de soc, asa cum era practica in anii nazismului sau in perioada stalinista. Sper ca poporul Romaniei este constient de faptul ca lumea libera si reformatorii din Uniunea Sovietica si din tarile est-europene se solidarizeaza cu aspiratiile si revendicarile lor legitime pentru libertate deplina, pentru a trai in pace si a-si realiza propria fericire. Poporul american si delegatia S.U.A. la O.N.U. isi manifesta sprijinul pentru poporul Romaniei, un sentiment impartasit si de ceilalti delegati O.N.U. Cetatenii Romaniei nu sunt uitati! Sunt alaturi de ei in aceste momente de grea cumpana”271.
Frank Woolf, deputat de Virginia, apreciaza: ceea ce se intampla acum in Romania este absolut o marsavie, mai ales acum cand vantul libertatii se face simtit in intreaga Europa Rasariteana, in Polonia, in Ungaria si in Berlinul de Est, unde zidul Berlinului a cazut! Este revoltator ca regimul de la Bucuresti, condus de Nicolae Ceausescu, sa faca ceea ce a facut! Consider ca guvernantii romani, in frunte cu Nicolae Ceausescu, trebuie sa fie aspru condamnati de lumea occidentala. Cred ca este de datoria Uniunii Sovietice si a lumii libere sa condamne actiunile regimului de la Bucuresti si sa se asigure ca poporul Romaniei va beneficia de drepturile fundamentale ale omului: libertatea de adunare si de organizare, libertatea presei si libertatea de a-si exprima convingerile religioase. Sunt convins ca administratia Bush va impune sanctiuni economice impotriva regimului Ceausescu si ca, in primul rand, va interzice toate importurile de produse alimentare”272
Adrian Niculescu face cunoscut urmatoarele, prin intermediul radioului ,,Europa Libera”: ,,Emotia este imensa si continua sa creasca aici, in Italia, in aceeasi masura si-n acelasi ritm cu indignarea si revolta cea mai crescuta fata de atrocitatile de neconceput mintii omenesti si incredibile ale lui Ceausescu »273.
Radio Belgrad informeaza, la ora 16,00, ca Prezidiul Comitetului Central al Uniunii Comunistilor din Iugoslavia a exprimat ,,profunda ingrijorare fata de situatia aparuta in Romania si a condamnat represaliile sangeroase”. Cu acelasi prilej a decis intreruperea legaturilor cu Partidul Comunist Roman, retragandu-i si invitatia de a participa la cel de-al XIV-lea Congres extraordinar al U.C.I.

222 Rememorand evenimentele, Nicolae Badilescu consemneaza: ,,Bucuria era imensa: aveai impresia ca intreg orasul se scurge pe strazi intr-un suvoi de oameni nemaiintalnit pana atunci” (Miodrag Milin, Timisoara, 15-21 decembrie 89, p. 97).
223 Miodrag Milin, Timisoara in Revolutie si dupa, p. 99.
224 Idem, Timisoara, 15-21 decembrie 89, p. 119.
225 Miodrag Milin conchide: ,,A fost, poate, momentul psihologic de maxima tensiune al Revolutiei” (Timisoara in Revolutie si dupa, p. 209).
226 Aurelian David Mihut consemneaza: ,,Era, cred, un moment al revelatiei comune care facea sa ne atingem cugetele, sa simtim ca suntem oameni, indiferent de care parte a baricadei ne-am fi pus soarta. Era clipa fasta pentru iertare si pentru impacare” (Miodrag Milin, Timisoara in Revolutie si dupa, p. 100).
227 Rememorand evenimentele, Ioan Lorin Fortuna consemneaza: ,,Imi era deosebit de clar ca multimea trebuia organizata. Trebuia constituit un comitet de initiativa, care sa coordoneze multimea, sa faca apel la intreprinderi si sa reprezinte nucleul viitoarei organizatii politice. Era momentul cel mai prielnic transformarii revoltei in revolutie si nu trebuia pierdut” (Miodrag Milin, Timisoara in Revolutie si dupa, p. 106-107).
228 Relevand atmosfera acelei zile, Claudiu Iordache avea sa afirme: ,,Ziua de 20 este o capodopera a spontaneitatii. Deci nu putem cauta merite. Cautam oameni inspirati sau mai putin inspirati; mai putin inhibati sau mai mult inhibati” (Miodrag Milin, Timisoara in Revolutie si dupa, p. 91).
229 A tradus locotenent-colonelul Gheorghe Lungu.
230 Constantin Sava, Constantin Monac, Revolutia romana din Decembrie 1989, p. 216- 217.
231 Iosif Zagrean, Revolutionarii clujeni: mit sau realitate?”, Editura EIKON, Cluj- Napoca, 2005.
232 Lorin Fortuna, Semnificatia zilei de 20 Decembrie 1989, in „Caietele Revolutiei“, nr. 5/2006
233 Format din Ioan Lorin Fortuna, Ioan Chis, Claudiu Iordache, Nicolae Badilescu, Mihaela Traistaru, Traian Vraneantu, Traian Trofin, Mihaela Munteanu, Adriana Jebeleanu, Stefan Ivan, Alexandru Ciura, Adrian Sanda s.a (,,Caietele Revolutiei”, nr. 2/2005, p. 11).
234 Referindu-se la ideea constituirii F.D.R., Ioan Lorin Fortuna avea sa declare: ,,Denumirea mi-a venit spontan, dar in continuarea unor ganduri care ma framantau de la inceputul insurectiei, de-a gasi calea pentru formarea unei organizatii politice de masa, indispensabila intr-o astfel de actiune, si care sa preia conducerea revoltei, sa o organizeze si sa reprezinte un factor decizional, capabil sa sustina un dialog cu guvernul si sa devina eventual o grupare care sa concentreze opozitia din intreaga tara, deci ceva similar cu ce se intampla in intregul Est. Aceasta organizatie o vedeam ca pe un forum, un front, o alianta care, angrenand mase importante de oameni, sa forteze guvernul sa apuce pe calea democratizarii tarii. Nu intrezaream inca (nu vedeam posibil) o ruptura violenta cu trecutul, de genul revolutiei, ci doar o trecere oarecum pasnica spre democratie, cum s-a petrecut si in alte tari din vecinatate” (Miodrag Milin, Timisoara in revolutie si dupa, p. 105-106).
235 Pe larg, Ioan Lorin Fortuna, Frontul Democratic Roman, Timisoara, Editura Artpress, 2008, passim. Rememorand acele momente, Ioan Lorin Fortuna consemneaza: ,,Consider ca acum a luat de fapt nastere (fara a fi numit inca FDR – Frontul Democrat Roman. Era in jur de ora 13,00, miercuri, 20 decembrie 1989” (Miodrag Milin, Timisoara in Revolutie si dupa, p. 110).
236 Initial, din Biroul Executiv al F.D.R. au facut parte Ioan Lorin Fortuna, Claudiu Iordache, Ioan Chis, Nicolae Badilescu, Maria Traistaru; structura a fost largita apoi, dupa sosirea revolutionarilor de la Comitetul Judetean de Partid, cu Ioan Marcu si Cornel Eustatiu. Referindu-se la relatiile dintre membrii Biroului Executiv, Ioan Lorin Fortuna avea sa releve: ,,Totusi, solutia n-a avut efectul scontat; atat cei doi inclusi, cat si o parte din ceilalti (Ion Savu, Sorin Oprea, Petru Borosoiu, Florin Marton…) au actionat in continuare pe linia unei destabilizari menite sa inlature din conducere grupul de la Opera si sa-l inlocuiasca” (Miodrag Milin, Timisoara in Revolutie si dupa, p. 111). Ulterior, componenta Biroului Executiv al FDR s-a schimbat de mai multe ori. Apoi, s-a mai constituit Comitetul F.D.R. (la inceput din 70 de membri, apoi din 100). Nicolae Badilescu va relata peste timp despre neintelegerile aparute chiar intre membrii conducerii revolutionarilor din balconul Operei (Miodrag Milin, op. cit., p. 119-120).
237 Claudiu Iordache, Balconul Operei, in „Caietele Revolutiei“, nr. 5/2006.
238 Constantin Sava, Constantin Monac, Revolutia Romana din Decembrie 1989…, p. 217.
239 ,,Caietele revolutiei”, nr. 2/2005, p. 10. La scurt timp, intre unii membri ai Comitetului Cetatenesc si Biroul Executiv al Frontului Democratic Roman au aparut divergente care s-au acutizat in perioada urmatoare.
240 Descrierea acestui episod important este prezentata in diferite variante de cei prezenti la negocieri (vezi si Alexandru Osca, Revolutia…,p. 151-152, 353).
241 ,,Caietele Revolutiei” nr. 2/2005, p. 9.
242 Caracterizat astfel de Nicolae Badilescu: ,,Obraznic, plin de sine, parfumat, spreiat, imbracat impecabil” (Miodrag Milin, Timisoara in Revolutie si dupa, p. 118)
243 Ioan Scurtu, Revolutia Romana din decembrie 1989 in context international, p. 206.
244 Miodrag Milin, Timisoara in Revolutie si dupa, p. 116.
245 Sergiu Nicolaescu, Lupta pentru putere. Decembrie 1989, p. 296.
246 In informarea facuta Ministerului Afacerilor Externe, ambasadorul Ion Tesu apreciaza ca manifestantii reprezentau ,,organizatii si grupari radicale si extremiste (Confederatia Poloniei independente – KPN, Federatia anarhista, Partidul Socialist Polonez, Partidul Socialist Polonez – Revolutia Democratica, Partidul independent al Verzilor, NZS – Asociatia independenta a studentilor), precum si reprezentanti ai conducerii «Solidaritatii»”, ca in zona se aflau fotoreporteri polonezi si straini, echipe de filmare si autoturisme ale ambasadei S.U.A. la Varsovia.
247 In continuare, Nicolae Ceausescu se refera la activitatea ,,cercurilor” si ”gruparilor” de la Budapesta care ,,au intensificat actiunile lor antinationale”, la ,,declaratiile” presedintelui S.U.A., care ,,a discutat de problema Romaniei cu Gorbaciov”. Acesta din urma, chiar daca ,,nu a zis nimic…inseamna ca l-a aprobat”.
248 Constantin Sava, Constantin Monac, Revolutia Romana din Decembrie 1989…, p. 176-178.
249 Constantin Sava, Constantin Monac, Revolutia Romana din Decembrie 1989 p. 179-184; vezi si ,,Caietele Revolutiei”, nr. 2/2005, p. 9-15.
250 Nicolae Toma, 20 decembrie 1989. Lugojul. Al doilea oras liber, p. 26.
251 Sinteza …, p. 63.
252 Ioan Scurtu, Revolutia romana din Decembrie 1989 in context international, p. 205.
253 ,,Caietele Revolutiei”, nr. 2/2005, p. 16-17. Dupa unele marturii, noaptea tarziu, la plecarea din cladirea Comitetului Central, Nicolae Ceausescu ar fi declarat, mai mult pentru sine: ,,Am sa le arat eu celor de la Timisoara!”.
254 Afland despre acest lucru, generalul Vasile Milea spune colonelului Corneliu Parcalabescu: ,,Garzile patriotice sunt din muncitori, cei cu care lupta sunt tot muncitori” (Sergiu Nicolaescu, Lupta pentru putere. Decembrie 1989, p. 117).
255 Nicolae Toma, op. cit., p. 28.
256 Anterior, Ion Coman informase pe Nicolae Ceausescu ca la Timisoara nu putea fi aplicat decretul referitor la starea de necesitate, deoarece pe strazi se aflau zeci de mii de oameni.
257 Armata romana in Revolutia din Decembrie 1989…, p. 72.
258 ,,Pe masura ce noaptea inainta – avea sa-si aminteasca Ioan Lorin Fortuna – numarul celor ramasi in Piata Operei scadea vizibil. Faptul a inceput sa ne ingrijoreze. Atunci am inceput sa facem apel la microfon ca multimea sa ramana alaturi de noi; numai astfel puteam reusi” (Miodrag Milin, Timisoara in Revolutie si dupa, p. 121).
259 Peste cativa ani, Claudiu Iordache avea sa consemneze: ,,Rezistenta balconului insemna podium, insemna primii care risca, primii care pierd, primii care nu vor
pierde. Daca balconul cadea in 20, ar fi insemnat o indelunga cadere” (Miodrag Milin, Timisoara n Revolutie si dupa, p. 91).
260 E un inceput in tot sfarsitul…, p. 400.
261 Ibidem, p. 400.
262 Ibidem, p. 402.
263 Ibidem, p. 425.
264 Ibidem, p. 385.
265 Ibidem, p. 389.
266 Ibidem, p. 435.
267 Ibidem, p. 344-345.
268 Ibidem, p. 391-392.
269 Ibidem, p. 436.
270 Ibidem, p. 356.
271 Ibidem, p. 437.
272 Ibidem.
273 Ibidem, p. 418.

sursa: Revolutia din decembrie 1989. Cronologie de Dr. ALESANDRU DUTU

Posted in decembrie 1989, raport final | Tagged: , | 3 Comments »

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #9 Ceausescu Regime Officials Involved before 22 December in Covering up Timisoara Repression…Remain Active after 22 December

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 20, 2014

(Purely personal views as always, based on over two decades of research and publications inside and outside Romania)

2014 marks the 25th anniversary of the collapse of communism in central and eastern Europe–Poland, Hungary, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania.  This series looks at 25 things I have learned about the events of the Romanian Revolution of December 1989.  The numbering is not designed to assign importance, but rather–to the extent possible–to progress chronologically through those events.

Significance:  Among those Ceausescu regime officials who were involved in the elimination of evidence of regime repression in Timisoara–and of the bodies of murdered Timisoara demonstrators–there are those whose names and roles are relatively well-known (Nicolae Ghircoias)…and those whose names and roles are lesser known (Dan Voinea).  Interestingly, a number of these officials found themselves in a position after 22 December 1989 where they could continue to cover up the role of Securitate and Militia units in December 1989, in Timisoara, Bucharest, and elsewhere.

The Case of Nicolae Ghircoias…before and after 22 December 1989

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/07/26/nicolae-ghircoias-colonel-de-militie-director-al-institutului-de-criminalistica-din-inspectoratul-general-al-militiei-igm-decembrie-1989-ianuarie-1990/

image0-001

Confirm afirmatiilor medicului chirurg Nicolae Constantinescu, sus-numitul Tripon Cornel a fost ranit prin impuscare in zona hotel Negoiu din Bucuresti.  Medicii de spitalul Coltea au solicitat Procuraturii instrumentarea acestor cazuri.  Colonel Ghircoias, fost sef al directiei cercetari penale a Securitatii, i-a adunat pe toti indivizii care erau acuzati ca sint teroristii, facindu-i disparuti.

image0-003

Florin Mircea Corcoz si Mircea Aries, “Terorist ascuns in Apuseni?” Romania Libera , 21 august 1992, p. 1, p. 3.

for confirmation suggesting Cornel Tripon’s arrest under suspicion of being a “terrorist” (28 December 1989, Hotel Negoiu, Bucuresti) during the December 1989 events, see http://www.danbadea.net/wp-content/uploads/2009/12/img036.jpg ; for confirmation that Ghircoias himself was (later) (re-) arrested, see http://www.danbadea.net/wp-content/uploads/2009/12/img043.jpg .

for the suggestion that Tripon’s status as a member of the Militie was merely a cover mechanism see,

“La internarea in spital, militianul Cornel Tripon a prezentat un buletin pe care avea trecuta ca adresa de domiciliu str. Academiei 24. Aceeasi adresa de domiciliu (fictiv) era trecuta in buletinul mai multor ofiteri de la UM 0666. Militianul ranit a fost ridicat chiar a doua zi din spital si transportat, se pare, la o unitate spitaliceasca a Ministerului de Interne.”

from Romulus Cristea, 20 decembrie 2006, http://www.romanialibera.ro/special/reportaje/salvarile-nu-erau-pentru-raniti–80867

Bullets, Lies, and Videotape:

The Amazing, Disappearing Romanian Counter-Revolution of December 1989[1]

by Richard Andrew Hall, Ph.D.

Standard Disclaimer:  All statements of fact, opinion, or analysis expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official positions or views of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) or any other U.S. Government agency.  Nothing in the contents should be construed as asserting or implying U.S. Government authentication of information or CIA endorsement of the author’s views.  This material has been reviewed by CIA to prevent the disclosure of classified information.

I am an intelligence analyst for the Central Intelligence Agency.  I have been a CIA analyst since 2000.  Prior to that time, I had no association with CIA outside of the application process. [Submitted 19 November 2009; PRB approved 15 December 2009]

Part I

His name was Ghircoias…Nicolae Ghircoias.

And in Romania in December 1989 and January 1990, Nicolae Ghircoias was a very busy man.

We know, officially, of Nicolae Ghircoias’ actions in the last days leading up to the fall of the regime of communist dictator Nicolae Ceausescu on 22 December 1989, as a result of what he and others said at a trial later in January 1990.  In bureaucratic parlance, Colonel Nicolae Ghircoias, was the Director of the Criminalistic Institute of the Militia’s [Police’s] General Inspectorate.   In colloquial terms, in December 1989 it appears that this amounted to being something of a “cleaner,” or “fixer,” the kind of guy who could make unpleasant things—such as corpses—go away, without leaving a trace.

After regime forces opened fire on anti-regime protesters in the western city of Timisoara on 17 and 18 December 1989, Colonel Ghircoias was dispatched to recover the corpses of those with gunshot wounds from the city’s morgue.  The unautopsied cadavers of 43 demonstrators were stolen from the morgue in the dead of night and then transported to the outskirts of the capital Bucharest by refrigerated truck, where they were cremated.[2] Ghircoias was also in charge of collecting and destroying the hospital records and any other incriminating material that might indicate not just the death, but also the life of those who had perished—the official explanation for the disappearance of these citizens was to be that they had fled the country, thus taking their documents with them.  In other words, Colonel Nicolae Ghircoias’ job was primarily, it seems, the destruction of evidence.[3]

[For a discussion of Ghircoias’s activities in Timisoara before 22 December, please see the following:

and in the journal Mortality, no. 15 (1) 2010, Marius Rotar, “The Red Mask of Death:  The Evil Politics of Cremation in Romania in December 1989.”  pp. 1- 17.]

COLONEL GHIRCOIAS MAKES THE ROUNDS OF BUCHAREST’S HOSPITALS

Unofficially, we also know of Colonel Ghircoias’ exploits after the Ceausescu regime collapsed on 22 December 1989, exploits for which he was not charged at his trial and for which he has never been charged.  Of the 1,104 people killed and 3,352 people injured during the December 1989 bloodshed, 942 of them were killed and 2,251 wounded after Nicolae and Elena Ceausescu fled power on 22 December 1989.  At the time, personnel of the communist regime’s secret police—known as the Securitate—and allied foreign mercenaries fighting to restore the Ceausescu regime—collectively christened “the terrorists”—were thought to be the primary source behind the post-22 December bloodshed.

It was in this context, that doctors from Bucharest’s various main hospitals recall Colonel Ghircoias’ sudden, unannounced appearances during the last days of December 1989 and first days of January 1990.  Professor Andrei Firica of the Bucharest “Emergency Hospital” recounted in a 2004 media interview largely the same details he had conveyed to the press in the summer of 1990.  According to Firica, some 15 to 20 suspected terrorists had been interned at the “Emergency Hospital” in varying states of medical distress.  He says he made a small file of the medical situations of these patients.  A Militia colonel, whom he later was to see in [prisoner] stripes on TV as a defendant in the Timisoara trial—i.e. fairly clearly Ghircoias—came one day and counseled him to keep nosy foreign reporters away from the beds of the “terrorists,” stating ominously that “these were just terrorist suspects and he [Dr. Firica] didn’t want to wake up one day on trial for having defamed someone”!   The colonel later came and loaded the wounded terrorist suspects onto a bus and off they went.  Firica maintains the files he kept on the terrorist suspects “of course, disappeared.”  He noted, however, that he asked his son, who had studied theater and film at university, to film the terrorists tied down to the hospital beds, and he claims he gave copies of this cassette to the Procuracy.[4]

[5]

[In viewing these photos, witness what Constantin Fugasin recounted in “Unde ne sint teroristii?” Zig-Zag, in 1990, based in part on an interview with Dr. Andrei Firica:

At the Emergency Hospital 13 suspected of being what we call terrorists were interned.  Among these a few were definitely foreign, even though all had Romanian papers.  Two clearly had ‘Mongoloid’ (‘Asiatic’) features (one stated that his mother was Romanian, while his father was from Laos), while four others were Arabs.  Nevertheless, they spoke Romanian very well.  Doctor Nicolae Staicovici, who worked a time in Egypt and who treated them for a time spoke with them.  At a moment, he formed a question in Arabic.  One of the injured responded to him perfectly.  All were well-built, one was a ‘mountain of a man.’  He said nothing, although he probably had terrible pains.  There were also two terrorists who were not wounded.  One arrived at night, under some pretext.  Those on guard suspecting him, immobilized him.  He had on three layers of clothing and several ids.  They tied him to the stretcher, but although he appeared rather frail, at a given moment he ripped the restraints off.[6]]

[7]

[Dr. Andrei Firica, 2004:  From a diagnostic perspective, those who maintain that the terrorists didn’t exist are telling an outrageous lie…In the Emergency Hospital, people were brought who were shot with precision in the forehead, from behind, just a few yards in the crowd of demonstrators, such people who did this can only be called terrorists…[8]]


Dr. Nicolae Constantinescu, chief surgeon at the Coltea Hospital, also was paid the honor of a visit by Colonel Ghircoias during these days:

I remember that on 1 or 2 January ’90 there appeared at the [Coltea] hospital a colonel from the Interior Ministry, who presented himself as Chircoias.  He maintained in violent enough language that he was the chief of I-don’t-know-what “criminalistic” department from the Directorate of State Security [ie. Securitate].  He asked that all of the extracted bullets be turned over to him.  Thus were turned over to him 40 bullets of diverse forms and dimensions, as well as munition fragments.

To the question of whether he informed the Military Procuracy?

Of course, I announced the Prosecutor’s Office, and requested an investigation [of those shot in the revolution].  For example, when I showed them the apartment from where there were was shooting during the revolution, on the fourth floor of the ‘Luceafarul’ cinema, the prosecutors told me that they sought to verify it and uncovered that there was a Securitate ‘safehouse’ there and that was it.

In 1992, I signed along with other doctors, university professors, renowned surgeons, a memorandum [see page 5 (below) for an article apparently linked to the memorandum] addressed to the Prosecutor General in which we requested an investigation regarding the wounded and dead by gunfire.  Not having received any response, after six months I went there to ask what was going on.  They told me they were working on it, and they showed me two or three requests and that was it.  One of the prosecutors took me into the hallway and told me “I have a child, a wife, it is very complicated.”  He asked me what I thought I was doing…I lit back into him, I told him I wasn’t just any kind of person to be blown off.

I showed him the x-rays of those who were shot, I showed him the bullets in the liver.  The x-rays exist, they weren’t my invention, I didn’t just dream all this up to demand an investigation!  I told them that there are some people who wish to find out the truth and they signed a memo to the Procuracy and they aren’t just anybody, but doctors with experience, experts in the field.  In vain, we requested ballistics tests and other research, in vain we presented forms, documents, x-rays, studies.  They did not want to undertake a serious investigation.[9]

(English) Cited in The Romanian Revolution for Dum-Dums

Dr. Nicolae Constantinescu, surgeon at Coltea Hospital: “I remember that on 1 or 2 January ’90 there appeared at the [Coltea] hospital a colonel from the Interior Ministry, who presented himself as Chircoias. He maintained in violent enough language that he was the chief of a department from the Directorate of State Security [ie. Securitate]. He asked that all of the extracted bullets be turned over to him. Thus were turned over to him 40 bullets of diverse forms and dimensions, as well as munition fragments. I didn’t hear anything back from Chircoias or any expert. Those who made the evidence disappear neglected the fact that there still exist x-rays and other military documents that I put at the disposition of the [Military] Prosecutor.”

( http://www.romanialibera.ro/a113826/revolutia-5-000-de-victime-nici-un-vinovat.html)

Bucuresti, Spitalul Coltea:  “Pe data de 1 sau 2 ianuarie 1990 a aparut la spital un colonel Chircoias, de la Interne cred”

Prof. univ. dr. Nicolae (Nae) Constantinescu, membru al Academiei de Medicina si al Academiei Oamenilor de Stiinta. Medic chirug la Spitalul Coltea.

Dosarele revolutiei -  "Nici acum nu-mi dau seama cum am putut sa operez nonstop timp de trei zile"

– Ce s-a intamplat cu cartusele extrase chirurgical din ranile pacientilor? Erau niste probe care ar fi putut lamuri anumite aspecte…
Pe data de 1 sau 2 ianuarie 1990 a aparut la spital un colonel Chircoias, de la Interne cred. Acest Chircoias a fost judecat si condamnat mai tarziu intr-un proces la Timisoara in legatura cu revolutia.

Chircoias, care sustinea sus si tare ca ar conduce nu stiu ce sectie criminalistica din Directia Securitatii Statului, a cerut gloantele extrase. Acestea, vreo 40 la numar, i-au fost date de un medic care era secretar de partid la IMF. Tin minte ca erau gloante de diverse forme, de diferite dimensiuni.

Procurori timorati

– Ati sesizat Parchetul Militar? Ati cerut sa se faca o ancheta in legatura cu cei impuscati la revolutie?
– Bineinteles, am anuntat Parchetul, am cerut o ancheta. De exemplu, cand le-am aratat apartamentul de unde s-a tras la revolutie, de la etajul 4, de la cinematograful “Luceafarul”, procurorii mi-au zis ca au facut verificarile si au depistat ca acolo era o locuinta conspirativa a Securitatii si atat. In anul 1992 am semnat alaturi de alti medici, profesori universitari, chirurgi de renume, un memoriu pe care l-am adresat Parchetului General si prin care am solicitat sa se faca o ancheta cu privire la ranitii si mortii prin impuscare. Neprimind nici un raspuns, dupa sase luni m-am dus la Parchet sa intreb ce se intampla. Mi s-a raspuns ca se lucreaza, mi-au aratat doua-trei avize puse pe colturile cererii si atat. Unul dintre procurori m-a luat cu el pe un coridor si mi-a spus ca “are copil, are nevasta, e foarte complicat…”. Ma intreba pe mine ce sa mai faca… Am izbucnit, le-am spus ca nu sunt un om care sa fie, asa, aburit cu una, cu doua. Le-am aratat radiografiile celor impuscati, le-am aratat gloante in ficat. Radiografiile existau, nu erau inventiile mele, nu mi se nazarise asa, dintr-o data sa cer ancheta! Le-am spus ca niste oameni doresc sa afle adevarul si ca cei care au semnat memoriul catre Parchet nu sunt niste persoane oarecare, ci medici cu experienta, somitati in materie. Degeaba am solicitat expertize balistice sau alte cercetari, degeaba am prezentat acte, documente, radiografii, lucrari. Nu se dorea sa se faca o ancheta serioasa.

extras din articolul lui Romulus Cristea
Miercuri, 20 Decembrie 2006 Romania Libera

Nici acum nu-mi dau seama cum am putut sa operez nonstop timp de trei zile

Screen Capture of a registry presented by Dr. Nicolae Nae Constantinescu in TVR documentary by Toma Roman Jr. mentioning an atypical bullet with cap (varf) retezat extracted from a patient on 23 December 1989 and later “collected” by Ghircoias.

Origin 7272014 112744 AM

In early March 1990, Agence France Presse reported the declared findings of surgeons in Bucharest, attesting to the fact that many of those wounded on 21-22 December 1989 in Bucharest had been shot with exploding bullets, DUM-DUM bullets.  [Significantly, a slew of military prosecutors, among them General Dan Voinea, General Romeo Balan, and General Teodor Ungureanu have attempted to deceive Romanians in the years since by denying or avoiding mention of the existence and use of DUM-DUM munitions in December 1989.]

Lt. Gnl. Traian Oancea, chief of surgery in part of the Central Military Hospital in Bucharest, and Dr. Nicolae “Nae” Constantinescu, chief of surgery at the Coltea Hospital, discussed this at a meeting of the Society of Surgeons in Bucharest.

 

 

©AFP Général – Mardi 6 Mars 1990 – 13:52 – Heure Paris (482 mots)

Roumanie medecine
De nombreux blesses du 21 et 22 decembre ont ete touches dans le dos ou a bout portant
   BUCAREST 6 mars – De tres nombreux blesses lors des affrontements des 21 et 22 decembre a Bucarest ont ete touches par des balles qui ont ete tirees de dos, parfois a bout portant, ainsi que par des balles dum-dum, a constate la Societe de Chirurgie de la capitale roumaine.
   La societe s est reunie a deux reprises, les 15 fevrier et le 1er mars dernier, sous la presidence du lieutenant-general Traian Oancea, chef de la 2e section de chirurgie de l Hopital militaire central de Bucarest.
   Au cours de ces travaux, menes ” scientifiquement ” , a precise mardi a l AFP le chef du service de chirurgie de l hopital de Colcea (centre de la ville) le dr Nicolae Constantinescu, les experts en balistique ont pu determiner qu un pourcentage important de blessures par balles avaient ete causees non par des balles de guerre mais par des balles coupees ou trafiquees.
   Les blessures observees etaient en effet non pas des trajectoires rectilignes, comme c est le cas en general pour les balles de guerre normales, mais des cavites creusees dans les tissus par l eclatement du projectile a son impact, resultant d une balle aplatie ou cisaillee s ecrasant sur le corps au lieu de le penetrer. ” Nous avons effectue 930 interventions dans la capitale sur des blessures par balle ” , a precise le docteur Constantinescu.
   la peur.
   ” Apres discussion entre nous, nous sommes en mesure de dire qu il ne s agit pas d affrontements mais d un crime organise contre le peuple. D autant, ajoute-t-il en parlant des cas qu il a traites lui-meme a l hopital Colcea, que 60% des plaies etaient dans le dos ou sur le flanc, et non de face, et que 10 a 15% des coups avaient ete tires a bout portant, avec des calibres 9 et 6,35mm ” .
   Le premier jour des affrontements, le 21, la majorite des blesses etaient des jeunes. ” Ils avaient tellement peur qu ils ne demandaient meme pas des calmants apres l anesthesie ” , ajoute le docteur qui cite le cas du danseur roumain de l Opera de Paris Vlad Stoinescu, blesse devant l hotel intercontinental : ” une balle l a touche au flanc, lui traversant l abdomen. La peur lui a fait parcourir tout seul les 300 metres le separant de notre hopital, ou il a donne son nom avant de s evanouir ” .
   Par ailleurs, les analyses de sang effectuees sur ces jeunes blesses ont fait decouvrir un taux anormalement bas de proteines dans le sang : 5 a 6 grammes pour cent au lieu de 7,3. ” C est la preuve de leur malnutrition, ils n avaient pas du manger de viande et de fromage depuis six mois pour la plupart ” , a ajoute le medecin.
   BAY/ave.
Tous droits réservés : ©AFP Général
411FD1741841E311716203546AC34BEC9C6CF7F0A69644B4

 

[1]For some of my previous publications on this topic, see Richard Andrew Hall:

Hall 2008 http://homepage.mac.com/khallbobo/RichardHall/pubs/romrevfordumdums042108tk.html,

Hall 2006 http://homepage.mac.com/khallbobo/RichardHall/pubs/Voineaswar091706.html,

Hall 2005 http://homepage.mac.com/khallbobo/RichardHall/pubs/checkmate040405.html,

Hall 2004 http://homepage.mac.com/khallbobo/RichardHall/pubs/doublespeak%20romania%203-2004.html,

Hall 2002 http://homepage.mac.com/khallbobo/RichardHall/pubs/romania%20securitate%205-2002.html,

Richard Andrew Hall, “Theories of Collective Action and Revolution:  Evidence from the Romanian Transition of December 1989,” Europe-Asia Studies 2000, no. 6 (September 2000).

Richard Andrew Hall, “The Uses of Absurdity:  The ‘Staged-War’ Theory and the Romanian Revolution of December 1989,” East European Politics and Societies vol 13, no. 3 (Fall 1999) (University of California Berkeley Press).

[2] For a good discussion of this in English, which explains how cremation practices were  at odds with Romanian burial traditions, see the article entitled “The Red Mask of Death:  The Evil Politics of Cremation in Romania 1989,” in the journal Mortality, no. 15 (1).

[3]For more information online, see, for example, http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicolae_Ghircoia%C5%9F, http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Opera%C5%A3iunea_Trandafirul, http://www.romanialibera.ro/a51078/cine-a-organizat-furtul-cadavrelor-din-morga-spitalului-judetean.html, http://www.timisoara.com/newmioc/53.htm, http://www.timisoara.com/newmioc/67.htm. Even the 1994 SRI report admits that confusion surrounding the identity of those who were cremated stems from Ghircoias’ burning—after the flight of the Ceausescus on 22 December—of all relevant documents he had seized from the Timisoara county hospital http://www.ceausescu.org/ceausescu_texts/revolution/raportul_sri11.htm.  Thus, it seems appropriate to say Ghircoias’ job involved making things disappear…

[4]Professor Andrei Firica, interview by Florin Condurateanu, “Teroristii din Spitalul de Urgenta,” Jurnalul National, 9 March 2004, online edition, cited in Hall, “Orwellian…Positively Orwellian” http://homepage.mac.com/khallbobo/RichardHall/pubs/Voineaswar091706.html. For similar accounts, see Florin Mircea Corcoz si Mircea Aries, “Terorist ascuns in Apuseni?” Romania Libera, 21 August 1992, p. 1–“Colonelul Ghircoias, former director of the Securitate’s penal investigative unit, brought together the individuals accused of being terrorists and made them disappear”; Andreea Hasnas, “Reportajul unui film cu TERORISTI,” Expres, no. 10 (6-12 aprilie 1990), p. 5; Constantin Fugasin, “Unde ne sint teroristii?” Zig-Zag, 1990.

[5] Screen capture from http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x7rp6b_revolutia-romana-2225-dec1989-part_shortfilms posted by Alexandru2006.

[6] Significantly this video is in direct contradiction and contests the claims of the Sorin Iliesiu who maintains that “General Dan Voinea has said clearly:  The terrorists did not exist.  Those who seized power lied to protect the real criminals….The diversion of the ‘terrorists’ has been demonstrated by [the] Justice [System], not a single terrorist being found among the dead, wounded or arrested  (Sorin Iliesiu, “18 ani de la masacrul care a deturnat revoluţia anticomunistă,” 21 December 2007, http://www.romanialibera.com/articole/articol.php?step=articol&id=6709).  For a discussion, see Hall 2008.

[7] Screen capture from http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x7rp6b_revolutia-romana-2225-dec1989-part_shortfilms posted by Alexandru2006.

[8] Professor Andrei Firica, interview by Florin Condurateanu, “Teroristii din Spitalul de Urgenta,” Jurnalul National, 9 March 2004, online edition.

[9] Dr. Professor Nicolae Constantinescu, interview by Romulus Cristea, “”Nici acum nu-mi dau seama cum am putut sa operez nonstop timp de trei zile,” Romania Libera, 20 December 2006, online edition.

——————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————

What evidence was Ghircoias so interested in collecting from the hospitals?

No researcher has previously attempted to track and aggregate the discussion of atypical ammunition, to include exploding dum-dum bullets, that were used in the maiming and killing of demonstrators in Romania in December 1989.  Here we talk about their use prior to the flight from power of Nicolae and Elena Ceausescu at 12:09 on 22 December 1989.  Romanian prosecutors, mostly notably former military prosecutor General Dan Voinea, have refused to acknowledge the existence and use of dum-dum bullets in December 1989–and yet the documents of the military procuracy itself contradict them.  (Voinea’s “findings” are invoked as the basis for the chapter about December 1989 in the so-called Tismaneanu Commission Final Report).  Below, evidence from the testimonies of demonstrators, next of kin, and doctors in Timisoara.

Timisoara Decembrie 1989 / Timisoara December 1989, regia/directed by – Ovidiu Bose Pastina, , imaginea/camera – Doru Segal, Sahiafilm 1991

Fullscreen capture 1182014 81626 AM

Who has given evidence that exploding dum-dum bullets were used in the killing and maiming of people in Timisoara before and/or after 22 December 1989:

1) Doctors and medical personnel who operated on and/or treated, and/or saw those who died or were wounded

2) Military personnel, who were in the streets in these days, including military officers

3) Relatives of the dead and wounded, some of whom were in the streets themselves, in sworn declarations  for the Military Prosecutor immediately after the December 1989 events or in sworn testimony in the so-called Timisoara Trial of 1990-1991

4) People who were wounded in December 1989, some of whom were sent abroad for follow-up treatment and who were told by those foreign doctors what type of bullet they believed they had been shot with, in sworn declarations  for the Military Prosecutor immediately after the December 1989 events or in sworn testimony in the so-called Timisoara Trial of 1990-1991.

5) Civilians who overheard during 17-19 December the discussion among regime forces of the use of such bullets

6) A former Securitate officer who went public after 1989 (Roland Vasilevici) and an unnamed former USLA recruit

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/11/08/this-many-people-cant-be-wrong-the-six-categories-of-people-who-attest-to-the-use-of-exploding-dum-dum-bullets-in-timisoara-in-december-1989/

Ora 23.00: La morga Spitalului Judetean, sub comanda colonelului Ghircoias, incepe operatiunea de sustragere a cadavrelor. Au fost ridicate 43 de cadavre cu acordul conducerii spitalului si al procurorului general adjunct Gheorghe Diaconescu. Toate cadavrele fusesera “incizate” pentru a li se extrage gloantele. Au fost transportate apoi la Bucuresti, cu o autoizoterma, pentru a fi incinerate.

Dan Badea 1991 evz.ro Ceausescu ultimele zile 21 decembrie 1999

 

In nopţile dramatice ale lui Decembrie 1989, medicii de la spitalele din Bucureşti au extras sute de gloanţe din trupurile demonstranţilor care manifestau împotriva regimului totalitar din România. Firesc ar fi fost ca aceste probe şi dovezi ale represiunii sângeroase să fie preluate cu un proces verbal şi folosite pentru identificarea celor care au tras în ţintele umane.

Din nefericire aceste probe delicte au dispărut. Toate mărturiile medicilor, dar şi ale celor care au studiat fenomenul îl incriminează pe colonelul Nicolae Ghircoiaş, cel care a colindat prin spitalele din Capitală şi a preluat gloanţele extrase din răniţi sau morţi, devenite ulterior de negăsit.

De altfel, colonelul Ghircoiaş fusese însărcinat să facă dispărute şi cadavrele manifestanţilor ucişi la Timişoara după 16 decembrie 1989.

Toatei corpurile delicte au fost adunate si inventariate la Institutul de criminalistica din Bucuresti. Procurorii militari au venit si le-au luat. Au fost duse pe strada Alexandru Sahia, unde era sediul Procuraturii. Voinea care acum se face ca nu stie avea biroul acolo. Alo, se aude!?

Prancea Paul marți, 5 august 2014 at 23:41 http://romuluscristea.wordpress.com/2014/07/31/la-tvr-gloantele-disparute/

Scor impresionant din 1990: Col. Ghircoias 40 de gloante … Procuratura 4 gloante !

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on September 20, 2009

Aceasta situatie imposibila ridicola in care din mii de cartuse trase impotriva demonstrantilor, organele de cercetare recolteaza patru gloante , este consecinta logica a ingroparii mortilor fara autopsie. — Rasvan Popescu, Expres, “Patru Gloante dintr-o Tragedia,” toamna 1990.

Cum iese destul de clar din informatia despre cum a funcionat IML Mina Minovici in decembrie 1989–sub doctorului Vladimir Belis– IML Mina Minovici in decembrie 1989 institituile oficiale au fost compromise de la bun inceput in cautarea adevarului despre decembrie 1989… oficial n-au facut nici o autopsie !  deci oficial nu se stie cine a tras … si ca un rezultat trebuie sa avem incredere se pare cam exclusiv  in…marturii martorilor care vorbesc in anumite cazuri…dupa 15 de ani  (si deloc nesemnificativ dupa un potop al dezinformarii)!

Cit de grava a fost (si mai este) situatia?…la numai un singur spital bucurestean col. Ghircoias “de la Interne” a racolat 40 de gloante…fapt destul de interesant… fiindca in toamna 1990 la Procuratura…mai erau numai 4 gloante din tragedia din decembrie ’89 !  Ce credeti?…ca gloantele racolate de catre col. Ghircoias au sosit la Procuratura…sau au ramas mult acolo? !

VA CER SCUZE AICI DAR CAM ASA A FOST LA BIBLIOTECA ACADEMIEI ROMANE IN ANUL 1994…O SINGURA MASINA XEROX…SI CUM PUTETI OBSERVA USOR…N-A FOST INTR-O STARE PREA BUNA…Atentie la cazulului Tirgu Mures din 21 decembrie 1989:  un glont de 9 mm “tras probabil dintr-o arma de vinatoare” (numai securisti si militieni au avut la ei pusti de 9 mm in decembrie 1989).  In aceste alte trei cazuri in care au ramas gloante de identificare, doua din Timisoara, unul din Cluj, se pare ca e vorba de gloante de 7,62 mm, deci nu e deloc clar cine le-au tras, ori securisti si militieni, ori militari…probabil militari din armata.

image-16

image-15

 

http://www.banaterra.eu/biblioteca/sites/default/files/suciu_titus_revolutia_pe_intelesul_detractorilor.pdf

Procesul de la Timisoara (III): Audierea martorului Rodica Novac, directorul Direcţiei Sanitare Timiş (13 iunie 1990)

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on September 30, 2011

[as always, purely personal views based on purely personal research and publications over the past two decades]

Thanks to Miodrag Milin (and ASOCIAŢIA MEMORIALUL REVOLUŢIEI 16-22 DECEMBRIE 1989, TIMIŞOARA), the tapes of the Timisoara trials of 1990-1991 have been transcribed and made available to the public.  These transcripts are highly valuable for the researcher of the December 1989 Romanian Revolution.  To my knowledge, much of this information has never made it into the public domain, and much of the most important information has definitely not.

Below, the witness Rodica Novac states that in the Morgue “there were several horror scenes, even for a medic such as myself…it will remain a nightmarish memory, the wounds of these explosive bullets [gloante explozive] have remained with me in particular…” (p. 653)

When reading the courtroom testimony below, keep in mind here the unambiguous rejection by military prosecutor Dan Voinea of the use of dum-dum bullets in December 1989:

Dan Voinea:  There were no victims (people who were shot) from either vidia bullets or dum-dum bullets.  During the entire period of the events war munitions were used, normal munitions that were found at the time in the arsenal of the Interior Ministry and the Defense Ministry.  The confusion and false information were the product of the fact that different caliber weapons were used, and therefore, the resulting sound was perceived differently. (General Dan Voinea, interview by Romulus Cristea, “Toti alergau dupa un inamic invizibil,” Romania Libera, 22 December 2005, online edition.)

[Are these court documents available at the website of the IICCMER?  Or the website of Asociatia 21 decembrie 1989?  No!  Thankfully, however, they are available on this site http://www.banaterra.eu/romana/files/procesul_de_la_timisoara_volumul_IV_cuprins_0.pdf ].  The following is from Volume IV.]

Rodica Novac’s claim is corroborated elsewhere by four other medical officials on call during the Timisoara repression.  First, in Romanian, by Dr. Atanasie Barzeanu, then in Hungarian by three doctors (Vladimir Fluture, Csaba Ungor, and Andras Goga) present and performing surgery in Timisoara hospitals from 17-19 december 1989 who recount separately their discovery of dum-dum exploding bullets among the bullets with which demonstrators arriving at the hospital had been shot.  december 1989: temesvari orvosok, dum-dum golyok, es a roman forradalom

 

http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Opera%C8%9Biunea_Trandafirul

Operațiunea Trandafirul

De la Wikipedia, enciclopedia liberă

Operațiunea Trandafirul, devenită apoi Acțiunea Vama, s-a desfășurat în zilele de 18 și 20 decembrie 1989, în cadrul acțiunilor de reprimarea a revoluției din decembrie 1989.

43 de cadavre ale celor împușcați mortal la demonstrațiile din Timișoara în zilele de 16 și 18 decembrie, dar și ale unor răniți executați în Spitalul Județean Timiș (SJT), au fost ridicate de la morga acestui spital și transportate la București, unde au fost incinerate în Crematoriul Cenușa.

Scopul era ștergerea urmelor masacrului de la Timișoara. Dispariția cadavrelor urma să fie explicată susținând că persoanele respective au părăsit fraudulos țara, fugind în statele vecine.

Persoane implicate

Ordinul a venit din partea Elenei Ceaușescu, care era tot timpul în contact direct cu soțul ei aflat în vizită oficială în Iran. Din conducerea superioară de partid și de stat au mai contribuit Tudor Postelnicu și Emil Bobu.

Conducătorii operațiunii:

Alți ofițerii superiori de Securitate și Miliție implicați erau:

  • Filip Teodorescu, locțiitor al șefului Direcției contraspionaj din DSS,
  • Traian Sima, șef al Securității Timiș,
  • Nicolae Ghircoiaș, director al Institutului de Criminalistică al IGM, cu sediul la București,
  • Ion Deheleanu, șef al Miliției județene Timiș,
  • locotenent-colonel Ion Corpodeanu, locțiitor al șefului Miliției Județene Timiș,
  • Ion Baciu, șef al Direcției Economice din IGM,
  • col. Petre Moraru[1], locțiitor al șefului IGM,
  • col. Tudor Stănică (a fost de față la emiterea ordinelor, dar nu a participat personal în acțiune),
  • Un rol important a avut și medicul chirurg, general de Securitate Mircea Octavian Ignat, care lucra la SJT.

Din dispoziția procurorului general al RSR Nicolae Popovici, au fost trimiși la Timișoara adjunctul procurorului general Gheorghe Diaconescu. (A mai fost detașat și procurorul Ovidius Păun, dar el nu a mai ajuns în oraș.) Din partea Direcției Sanitare județene a fost implicată dr. Rodica Novac.

Pentru ridicarea cadavrelor și încărcarea lor în autovehicul, Ion Corpodeanu i-a desemnat pe ofiterii și subofițerii de miliție: mr. Gheorghe Avram, mr. Iosif Veverca, cpt. Laurențiu Preda, cpt. Tiberiu Grui, cpt. Eugen Mișea și lt. major Eugen Peptan.

Colonelul Nicolae Ghircoiaș avea sarcina să coordoneze activitatea de selectare a cadavrelor în morga spitalului județean din Timișoara, întrucât el vizitase spitalul și mai înainte și avea informații despre cauzele morții. Scopul era selectarea cadavrelor celor care au participat la acțiunile de protest de cele ale bolnavilor care au murit din cauze patologice. După îmbarcarea celor 43 de cadavre, așezate în saci de plastic, în mașina autofrigorifică, colonelul Ghircoiaș a organizat și desăvârșit și furtul și distrugerea evidențelor compromițătoare ale spitalului.[2]

Conform planului, cadrele Miliției din Timișoara implicate in acțiune nu trebuiau să cunoască ordinul că morții transportați la București vor fi incinerați.

Unul dintre participanții la acțiunea Vama, maiorul de miliție Dumitru Sorescu, a fost înaintat după Revoluție la gradul de general și numit chestorul șef al Poliției române.[3]

Operațiunea „Trandafirul”

În seara zilei de 17 decembrie, col. Corpodeanu a fost chemat de gen. Nuță, care i-a ordonat să se ocupe de transportul unor cadavre împușcate de la morga Spitalului Județean Timiș, devenită neîncăpătoare, la Institutul Medico-Legal (IML) din București. La ora aceea erau 56 de cadavre în morgă și, deși alimentarea cu curent electric nu era întreruptă, se afirma că nu funcționează camerele frigorifice.

Col. Deheleanu, șeful lui Corpodeanu, a ordonat formarea unei echipe de la secția judiciară a Miliției județene, de supravegherea îndeplinirii ordinului urmând să se ocupe col. Ghircoiaș.

Cronologia evenimenelor din zilele de 18-19 decembrie în Timișoara

Ora 8:00: procurorul-șef adjunct Gheorghe Diaconescu era prezent la Direcția Sanitară, la dr. Rodica Novac, împreună cu col. Ghircoiaș.
Ora 9:00: În zona spitalului și în curtea acestuia a fost desfășurat un întreg dispozitiv de apărare format din securiști și milițieni sub comanda mr. Veverca și mr. Dragoș. În același timp, s-a interzis orice vizită în spital, fiind permisă numai intrarea personalului medico-sanitar pe bază de legitimație.
Ora 10:00: au sosit și generalii Nuță și Mihalea.
În urma vizitei la spital, procurorul general adjunct Gh. Diaconescu cere col. Ghircoiaș să trimită la SJT echipa pentru operațiunea de verificare a celor decedați.
Ora 14:00: autopsierul Traian Bodonea aduce la morgă saci de nailon.
Ora 17:00: procurorul Diaconescu se prezintă la Direcția Sanitară.
Ora 18:00: doctorul Ovidiu Sorin Golea, directorul Spitalului Județean, este vizitat de col. Sima Traian și col. Ghircoiaș.
Ora 19:00: Gen. Nuță vorbește la telefon cu col. Petre Moraru și cu col. Ion Baciu (care se aflau la București), și le ordonă să ia măsurile necesare pentru paza unui transport de la Timișoara la București. În termeni codificați, era vorba de „primirea unui camion de la Timișoara cu diferite colete sosite din străinătate ca ajutoare, și care trebuie distruse la București, la Vama Antrepozite”. Col. Ion Baciu se deplasează, tot din ordinul gen. Nuță, la procurorul general Nicolae Popovici, care îl aștepta, și l-a primit imediat, spunându-i că l-a sunat gen. Nuță și i-a cerut să-l sprijine în distrugerea unor colete ce urmau a fi trimise de la Timișoara.
Ora 19:00: dr. Golea a ridicat cheia de la morgă. Pe geamurile saloanelor sau camerelor spitalului cu orientare spre intrarea morgii au fost așezate pături, pentru a bloca vizibilitatea din interior.
Ora 23:00: la cererea col. Ghircoiaș și col. Corpodeanu, dr. Golea deschide morga. Cinci ofițeri de miliție conduși de col. Ghircoiaș, medicii legiști (prof. dr. Traian Crișan și conf. dr. Milan Dressler) și procurorii civili încep identificarea și selectarea cadavrelor. Cele selectate sunt introduse în saci de plastic.
Ora 23:30: Începând cu această oră circulația bolnavilor prin spital era totalmente interzisă.
Dorel Cioacă, șofer pe autoizoterma 21-TM-2701, angajat al Complexului de Creștere și Îngrășare a Porcilor COMTIM, este convocat din dispoziția inginerului Dan Rotariu, la sediul Miliției județene, unde căpitanul Valentin Ciucă[4] îl invită în birou, și îi spune că poate să doarmă până la noi ordine.
Ora 0:45: În jurul acestei ore, din ordinul lt. col. Corpodeanu, au fost îndepărtate din fața intrării și din curtea spitalului trupele, astfel autoizoterma (la volanul căreia era cpt. Valentin Ciucă) a putut intra până la ușa morgii. A mai sosit și o Dacia 1310 albă (nr. 1-TM-236, condusă de șoferul șefului Miliției Județene, plut. adj. Alexandru Kocic), în care erau doi milițieni de la Inspectoratul Județean Timiș.
Ora 1:00: luminile din curtea spitalului au fost stinse, pentru ca bolnavii din spital să nu poată observa acțiunea.
Ora 1:30: cei șase ofițeri desemnați de Corpodeanu – Iosif Veverca, Gheorghe Avram, Eugen Mișea, Laurențiu Preda, Tiberiu Grui și Eugen Peptan – au început încărcarea în autoizotermă a cadavrelor (denumite în continuare „colete”) indicate de Ghircoiaș.
Ora 4:15: A luat sfârșit operațiunea de îmbarcare a cadavrelor în autoizotermă, care părăsește curtea spitalului, însoțită de autoturismul Dacia amintit mai sus. Luminile din curtea spitalului au fost aprinse din nou, iar trupele ce asigurau dispozitivul de apărare și-au reluat pozițiile inițiale.
De la Spitalul Județean Timiș sunt ridicate registrele de consultații, de internări, procesele-verbale de constatare a decesului și fișele de mișcare ale bolnavilor, împachetate în două colete și predate col. Ghircoiaș. Ulterior, unele registre au fost înapoiate, din ele lipsind însă anumite file.
Ora 5:20: șoferul Dorel Cioacă, care dormea în biroul căpitanului Ciucă, este trezit.
Ora 5:45: autoizoterma pornește spre București pe ruta SibiuRâmnicu VâlceaPitești, fiind escortată de Dacia albă.[5]
Cele două autovehicule au fost așteptate la km 36 de pe autostrada București-Pitești de o echipă de ofițeri condusă de Ion Baciu. Din momentul preluării transportului, operațiunea primea indicativul „Acțiunea Vama”.

Acțiunea „Vama”

Conform ordinului gen. Nuță, autoizoterma cu „colete” a fost preluată pe 19 decembrie, la km 36, de o echipă condusă de col. Baciu și formată din lt.-col. Petre Marin, mr. Dumitru Sorescu[6], Teodor Bagu, Marin Șerban și subofițerii Valerică Gorgarea și Florin Stanciu. Această echipă a schimbat-o pe cea veche, din Timișoara, subofițerul Florin Stanciu preluând conducerea autoizotermei. Cei de la Timișoara și-au continuat drumul cu Dacia albă, și au fost cazați la hotelurile Astoria și Cerna, unde căpitanul Dan Fediuc le-a rezervat câte o cameră cu două paturi. Înainte de plecarea de la km 36, numerele de înmatriculare, atât al Daciei albă cât și al autoizotermei, au fost înlocuite cu număre de înmatriculare de București, primite de la Direcția Circulație (al cărei șef nu a fost inițiat în acțiune).

În jurul orei 17 autoizoterma și echipa de însoțitori din București au ajuns la crematoriul „Cenușa” din București, unde au fost primite de Gheorghe Ganciu, director al Administrației Cimitirelor din București (cu sediul la Cimitirul Belu),[7] colonel de Securitate în rezervă, fost subordonat al gen. Macri, și de administratorul Crematoriului Cenușa, Iosef Emilian Zamfir, care era de asemenea ofițer de Securitate trecut în rezervă.

Ei au întrerupt alte operații de incinerare care erau în curs, și au început incinerarea cadavrelor sosite de la Timișoara. Pentru reușita acțiunii, celor 5 fochiști[8] le-a fost dat câte un plic cu 2000 de lei, și aceștia au început lucrul imediat, fără obiecțiuni. Col. Moraru a trimis 6 ofițeri pentru asigurarea pazei.

În jurul orei 18:00 fost începută descărcarea cadavrelor, incinerarea începând aproape imediat și continuând toată noaptea. Ultimul cadavru a fost descărcat pe 20 decembrie în jurul orei 4:00, și atunci autoizoterma a părăsit crematoriul. Incinerarea a fost finalizată în jurul orei 8:30.

În jurul orei 10:00 col. Baciu a raportat col. Moraru încheierea acțiunii, care l-a trimis la crematoriu pe șoferul Nuțu Dorel Marian cu o autodubă, în care au fost încărcate cele 4 tomberoane cu cenușă și transportate pe raza localității Popești-Leordeni, Ilfov, unde conținutul lor a fost deversat într-o gură de canal.

După Revoluție, col. Baciu, lt.col. Petre Marin și mr. Dumitru Sorescu au făcut câte un raport despre acțiunea desfășurată de ei[9], și aceste rapoarte au fost prezentate în seara zilei de 24 decembrie inginerului Marian Gostin, reprezentantul CFSN, care se afla la IGM, apoi predate ministrului apărării naționale, gen. Nicolae Militaru.

Numele morților

În momentul operațiunii, la morga SJT se aflau 56 de cadavre, din care au fost sustrase 43. Din acestea 8 erau neidentificate, dar după Revoluție s-a reușit stabilirea identității a 4 dintre ele.

Lista morților:[10]

  1. Andrei Maria (muncitoare UMT, împușcată în SJT)
  2. Apró Mihai (lăcătuș auto)
  3. Balogh Pavel
  4. Balmus Vasile
  5. Bărbat Lepa
  6. Banciu Leontina (muncitoare la AEM)
  7. Belehuz Ioan
  8. Belici Radian
  9. Caceu (Kacsó?) Margareta (muncitoare la Institutul Politehnic)[11]
  10. Choroși (Kőrösi?) Alexandru
  11. Cruceru Gheorghe
  12. Carpin Dănuț
  13. Csizmarik Ladislau
  14. Ciobanu Constantin
  15. Wittman Petru
  16. Nagy Eugen
  17. Ferkel Șuteu Alexandru
  18. Florian Antoniu Tiberiu
  19. Gîrjoabă Dumitru Constantin (electrician, împușcat în SJT)[12]
  20. Hațegan Petru
  21. Iosub Constantin
  22. Iotcovici Gheorghe Nuțu
  23. Ewinger Slobodanca
  24. Ianoș Paris
  25. Luca Rodica (muncitoare la Coop. „Încălțămintea”)
  26. Lăcătuș Nicolae
  27. Munteanu Nicolae Ovidiu
  28. Miron Ioan (pensionar CFR, împușcat în SJT)
  29. Motohon Silviu
  30. Mardare Adrian
  31. Otelita Aurel
  32. Opre Gogu
  33. Osman Dumitru
  34. Radu Constantin
  35. Sporer Rudolf Herman
  36. Stanciu Ioan
  37. Sava Angela Elena
  38. Zăbulică Constantin
  39. Zornek Otto
  40. cadavru neidentificat
  41. cadavru neidentificat
  42. cadavru neidentificat
  43. cadavru neidentificat

Note

  1. ^ S-a sinucis în arest, la 31 ianuarie 1990.
  2. ^ România Liberă: Cine a organizat furtul cadavrelor din morga Spitalului Judetean?, 19 decembrie 2005.
  3. ^ Vezi știrea apărută în Jurnalul Național din 17 ianuarie 2005, și preluată de Hotnews.
  4. ^ El va însoți autoizoterma până la km 36, apoi va ajunge în București.
  5. ^ Șoferul său de schimb era cpt. Valentin Ciucă, care a rămas în cabină.
  6. ^ Mr. Dumitru Sorescu, ajuns chestor principal, a fost numit mai târziu șeful Inspectoratului General al Poliției Române. Vezi știrea din Jurnalul Național din 17 ianuarie 2005, preluată de Hotnews.ro.
  7. ^ Gheorghe Ganciu a fost asistat de subalternul său, Ciupagea Grigorie.
  8. ^ Întrucât la crematoriul Cenușa nu erau decât 3 fochiști – Mihai Mititelu, Ștefan Nicolae Bocioagă și Grigor Cîmpean -, doi muncitori – Gheorghe Zîmbroianu și Gheorghe Iordan – au fost trimiși de la alte două cimitire din București.
  9. ^ Col. Baciu pretinde că pe 22 decembrie și-a trimis raportul col. Moraru, dar acesta nu l-a primit.
  10. ^ Lista a fost publicată în Jurnalul National, 28 septembrie 2004, articol preluat de Hotnews.ro, dar ortografia numelor s-ar putea să conțină greșeli.
  11. ^ Împreună cu Caceu Margareta a fost împușcată și sora ei, Caceu Mariana Silvia, dar corpul ei nu a fost ars.
  12. ^ Vezi articolul din JN, preluat de Hotnews.

Surse

  • Gen. de brigada Gheorghe Florea, col. Ion Constantin, gen de brigada Marin Lazăr, col. Vasile Lepăduși, prof. Vladimir Alexandrescu și coordonator generalul de divizie Ion Pițulescu: „Șase zile care au zguduit România. Ministerul de Interne, decembrie 1989. Pledoarie pentru istorie”, vol. I., București, 1995.

Lectură suplimentară

  • Un risc asumat: Timișoara, decembrie 1989, Filip Teodorescu, Editura Viitorul Românesc, 1992
  • Timișoara în arhivele “Europei Libere”, Radio Free Europe, Editura Fundația Academia Civică, 1999

http://www.procesulcomunismului.com/marturii/fonduri/mmioc/curteasup/docs/0215cada.htm#_ftnref2

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2010/12/17/timisoara-17-decembrie/

In English and Romanian, see, for example, the following on the episode mentioned above

The mask of the red death: The evil politics of cremation in Romania in December 1989

Marius Rotar

Mortality: Promoting the interdisciplinary study of death and dying, 1469-9885, Volume 15, Issue 1, 2010, Pages 1 – 17
http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/content~db=all~content=a919672850

From the past we must take the fire, not the ashes!Jean Jaures (1859-1914)This article presents an analysis of an episode which had great reverberations in Romanian society during the revolution of December 1989. It is focused on the cremation at the Cenuscedila Crematorium in Bucharest of 43 bodies belonging to people who were killed in Timiscediloara on the 17 December 1989 during the riots against the Communist regime. The Romanian communist authorities aimed to delete the traces of the repression in Timiscediloara. The explanation given to the families of the people cremated, namely that they had fled from communist Romania, also served this purpose. This incident reveals the ways in which politics and death merged in communist Romania, and it presents a typical case of what Douglas Davies calls the evil politics of cremation.

Keywords: communism; revolution; cremation; scandals

http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2010/09/15/a-inceput-constructia-bisericii-popesti-leordeni/#more-8198
http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2010/12/08/tatulici-tatomir-povestea-timisorii-13-furtul-cadavrelor/

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Less well-known and certainly never acknowledged is the presence of military prosecutor Dan Voinea at the Popesti-Leordeni crematorium near Bucharest on the morning of 20 December 1989.  It has always been something of a mystery–and Voinea’s explanation of the timeline, how he learned of the incineration of demonstrators, etc. has always raised suspicions–why Voinea learned of this and came to investigate this.  It remains unclear why?  Although Baciu clearly had a motive to lie about Voinea, his claim not only that he saw Voinea on the morning of 20 December 1989–and attempted at his trial to address Voinea about it–but that he recognized Voinea precisely because of his previous Securitate service (a sort of unnecessary, stupid giveaway if he were lying), remains plausible.  In that case, it would explain how Voinea “knew” so early and so well about this issue.  I don’t know how to interpret Voinea’s behavior.  Did he feel guilty for his role and attempt to make the best of his presence there?  Did he realize that if he didn’t take control of this investigation that he would eventually be implicated and in a position of much less power to defend himself?  Some combination of both?  What is known, is that Voinea has been less than truthful about many things since, especially about the existence and use of internationally-sanctioned exploding dum-dum bullets…

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/06/15/oh-what-a-tangled-web-we-weave-secretele-din-crematoriul-cenusa/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/12/20/colonel-ion-baciu-pe-20-12-89-la-orele-1010-la-crematoriu-a-venit-lt-col-voinea-danpe-care-l-cunosc-intrucit-inaintea-lucrat-la-departmentul-securitatii-statului-directia-cercetar/

http://www.tvrplus.ro/editie-memorial-90-279224

(my notes of this film below)
19 dec 1991
2:15 Voinea, 20 dec incinerated; 12 january 1990 came there; Muitu Dorel, 4 tomberoanele (not fully truthful)
4:41 Operatiunea Coletele
5:00 clinica nr.1
6:00 from Postelnicu, 23 decembrie
7:22 Postelnicu v. El si Ea tradator, tradatoara?
9:10 Elena in charge
9:16 DIA Buzau involved
10:40 Diaconescu, on orders, not involved of course
11:11 10 of them where were shot, in the hospital?
11:54 Doru Gjraba (?) 12 witnessed things, only shot in foot at Catedrala, dr. Ignat
12:15 lucrator la morga Spitalul Judetean (before or after 22?)
14:00 2 with comsa si necherila two days later ?
15:20 Iosif Emilian (hurried there to cover up his own role? back to the scene of the crime, accidental “hero”)
17:00 Mititelele
20:45 56 corpses (3 not from), Gh. Diaconescu
21:19 Dressler
21:38 ages
23:23 Baciu, still in function after 22, even though sent to trial with Iosif, Ganciu/Bogdanciu?
24:50 Macri, coletele to Ganciu, send me 40
25:18 Ghircoias
26:00 Popovici may not have been informed, Coman and Stanculescu were informed
27:17 Km 36
29:15 Nuta request for new expertiza to be done
(Crematoriu Rotar)
33:40 partial autopsies to remove bullets, bullets missing
34:30 Alexandru Grama
35:00 fas negru
35:30 (tortures…made light re cimitirul saracilor mistakes)
36:30 Hotel Astoria near Gara de Nord
36:50 Led by Col. Baciu
37:45 went with criminalist (date of Baciu’s declaration)
40:00 Iosif Costinas (Freiburg…Slatina cu alti morti, 18-19 decembrie)
41:43 arma Calibru mic (paznici) CAP Freiburg
43:25 gen. napalm
45:00 Iliescu to blame…
46:19 Diaconescu advanced, in charge of investigations (and Voinea)

Colonel Ion Baciu: Pe 20.12.89 la orele 1010 la crematoriu a venit Lt. Col Voinea Dan…pe care-l cunosc intrucit inainte…a lucrat la Departmentul Securitatii Statului, directia cercetari penale.

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 20, 2013

[documentary evidence in support of the publication entitled:  Bullets, Lies, and Videotape:  The Amazing, Disappearing Counter-Revolution of December 1989,

strictly personal research, not for reproduction without prior author authorization]

unfortunately, the link is no longer operable here http://dosarelerevolutiei.ro/volumul-203/

luckily, Claude 2.0 http://claude02.blogspot.com/2013/06/a-fost-oare-folosit-virf-impins-mai.html saved an image from my own initial post of this!

23.01.1990 Declaratie:  Colonel Ion Baciu, șef al Direcției Economice din IGM,

(my thanks to researcher Mircea Munteanu, formerly of the CWIHP at the Woodrow Wilson Center, for helping me with the following transcription)

Pe 20.12.89 la orele 1010 la crematoriu a venit Lt. Col. Voinea Dan [[proc mil — procuror militar]] din D.P.M., pe care-l cunosc intrucit inainte de activare, a lucrat la Departmentul Securitatii Statului, directia cercetari penale.

Era imbracat civil, insotit de un procuror militar in uniforma.  Au discutat cu o femeie, Geta, nu-i stiu numele care i-a spus:  “[[Bine]] ca ati venit.  Toata noaptea au ars aici si [[oamenilor]] le este teama.”  Nu am auzit alte vorbe.  Au discutat cu aceia femeie [[ca. –circa]] 15 minute dupa care au plecat.

Cred ca au fost trimisi acolo fie de Popovici, fie de Diaconescu, pentru a vedea cum decurge incinerarea.

Solicit sa fie audiati Popovici Nicolae, fost procuror general, Diaconescu Gh, adjunctul acestuia si cei doi procurori militari…

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image0-001

from Ion Baciu’s hearing 12 March 1990 http://www.banaterra.eu/romana/files/procesul_de_la_timisoara_volumul_II.pdf

Baciu’s courtroom testimony (no reference made to his 23 January 1990 handwritten testimony above) was discussed by Vasile Surcel in the following article:

http://www.curentul.ro/2012/index.php/2012122081426/Actualitate/Ion-Baciu-in-procesul-Timisoara-procurorul-Dan-Voinea-a-verificat-personal-pe-20-decembrie-1989-incinerarea-mortilor-la-Crematoriul-Cenusa.html

Iosif Emilian’s lawyer (in September 1991) indeed suggested the involvement of the Prosecutor General in giving the cremations legal cover/legitimacy, hence explaining the presence of Dan Voinea and his colleague at Crematoriul Cenusa on 20 December 1989 (he also references Geta on p. 725).  This is from the seventh volume of “Procesul de la Timisoara” available on the banaterra site.

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https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2010/12/26/decembrie-1989-cc-ul-si-sibiu-dan-voinea-corneliu-pircalabescu-si-ilie-ceausescu-v-aurel-dragomir-si-victor-stanculescu/https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/05/21/orwellian-positively-orwellian-prosecutor-voineas-uncritical-reception-by-romanianists/

But my use of the term “Orwellian” in the title of this paper is not only designed to capture Voinea’s uncanny ability to make definitive statements that are demonstrably wrong, to argue that black is white and white is black—from his denial of the use of gunfire simulators in December 1989, to his claim that the only “lunetisti” who acted after 22 December were from the Army, to his denial of the existence of weapons and (especially “vidia”) bullets not in the arsenal of the Army, to his denial of the existence of “terrorists,” to his denial that any military unit was attacked during the events, to his denial of the role of foreigners in the events….

I use the term “Orwellian” here as much to describe the ease with which he has gotten and gets away with errors, misunderstandings, and falsehoods that could easily be challenged, if not combated by his interlocutors in the Romanian media and intelligentsia.  For it is the fact that he has been able and is able to get away with all this that is truly “Orwellian” and that is indeed a tragedy for Romania’s citizens.  The tragedy is thus less the predictable “supply side” of the post-authoritarian lie, than the enthusiastic consumption and appetite for it.  This is why I believe, accurately I would argue, that “December 1989” long ago became more about post-Ceausescu Romania than about what happened in December 1989.

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2010/10/05/%E2%80%9Corwellian%E2%80%A6positively-orwellian%E2%80%9D-prosecutor-voinea%E2%80%99s-campaign-to-sanitize-the-romanian-revolution-of-december-1989-part-9-orwellian-sanitywont-get-fooled-again/

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #1 The Securitate Deny Foreign Instigation of the Timisoara Uprising

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #2 Shattered Glass: Securitate Vandalism to Justify Timisoara Crackdown

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #3 “Anti-terrorism” and Regime Repression

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #4 Timisoara Demonstrators Injured and Killed by Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #5 Timisoara (Podul Decebal) Evidence Suggests only the Securitate Had Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revoluion: #6 The Securitate Sends a Coded-Message to Its Undercovers in the Field (“Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare,” Scinteia Tineretului, 18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #7 Nicolae Ceausescu Leaves on a Less-than-spontaneous Trip to Iran (18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #8 Romania closes its borders to almost all foreigners…except Russian tourists returning from shopping trips to Yugoslavia (18-19 December 1989)

 

 

Posted in decembrie 1989, raport final | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 4 Comments »

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #8 Romania closes its borders to almost all foreigners…except Russian tourists returning from shopping trips to Yugoslavia (18-19 December 1989)

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 19, 2014

(Purely personal views as always, based on over two decades of research and publications inside and outside Romania)

2014 marks the 25th anniversary of the collapse of communism in central and eastern Europe–Poland, Hungary, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania.  This series looks at 25 things I have learned about the events of the Romanian Revolution of December 1989.  The numbering is not designed to assign importance, but rather–to the extent possible–to progress chronologically through those events.

Significance:  During the meeting of the equivalent of the Politburo of the Romanian Communist Party on the afternoon of 17 December 1989, Nicolae Ceausescu announced:  “I have ordered that all tourist activity be interrupted at once. Not one more foreign tourist will be allowed in, because they have all turned into agents of espionage….Not even those from the socialist countries will be allowed in, outside of [North] Korea, China, and Cuba. Because all the neighboring socialist countries are untrustworthy. Those sent from the neighboring socialist countries are sent as agents.”  On 18 December 1989, in the aftermath of the bloodbath of regime repression that had transpired in Timisoara the night before, it was officially announced–in typical Ceausist- (and undeniably Orwellian) style–that Romania would not accept any more tourists because of a “shortage of hotel rooms” and because “weather conditions” were “not suitable for tourism.”  Only it turned out in practice one group of tourists from a neighboring communist state were exempted from this requirement:  Soviet tourists returning home from shopping trips in Yugoslavia…

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FBIS-EEU-89-242 (19 December 1989), p. 85.  Paris AFP in English 1430 GMT 19 December 1989.

Vatin, Yugoslavia, Dec. 19 (AFP)

Romania’s borders are now closed to all but Soviet travellers, who pass through Romania to return home after shopping trips to Yugoslavia….

An AGENCE FRANCE PRESSE reporter was curtly told to “go back home, only Russians can get through,” after two Romanian border guards–one armed with a Kalashnikov rifle with an Alsatian guard dog at his side–carried out a detailed inspection of the license plates on some 15 cars waiting to cross.

I have been using this source since back in the 1990s when I wrote my dissertation (defended December 1996) at Indiana University (Bloomington), but I still get a kick out of it when I come across it–particularly in light of the seemingly never-ending, snowballing revisionism which alleges that the Timisoara uprising was sparked by “Soviet tourists” or “Russian tourists,” etc.

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/03/28/yugoslavia-romania-border-19-december-1989-an-agence-france-presse-reporter-was-curtly-told-to-go-back-home-only-russians-can-get-through/

 

An excerpt from

A chapter from my Ph.D. Dissertation at Indiana University: Richard Andrew Hall, Rewriting the Revolution: Authoritarian Regime-State Relations and the Triumph of Securitate Revisionism in Post-Ceausescu Romania (defended 16 December 1996). This is the original chapter as it appeared then [minus the xeroxes] and thus has not been revised in any form.

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/rewriting-the-revolution-1997-chapter-6-18-22-december-1989/ (traducere de catre Marius Mioc 18-19 decembrie 1989 )

18-19 December 1989: The Timisoara Crackdown in Ceausescu’s Absence

Considering the centrality of the “foreign tourist” scenario to Securitate-inspired accounts of the December events, it is interesting to note the actions taken by the Ceausescu regime on 18 December 1989. At the close of the emergency CPEx meeting on Sunday afternoon, Nicolae Ceausescu had announced:

I have ordered that all tourist activity be interrupted at once. Not one more foreign tourist will be allowed in, because they have all turned into agents of espionage….Not even those from the socialist countries will be allowed in, outside of [North] Korea, China, and Cuba. Because all the neighboring socialist countries are untrustworthy. Those sent from the neighboring socialist countries are sent as agents.[5]

[from Mircea Bunea, Praf in ochi:  Procesul celor 24-1-2 (Editura Scripta, 1994), p. 34.]

image0-001

On Monday, 18 December 1989, in typical Ceausist-style it was therefore announced that Romania would not accept any more tourists because of a “shortage of hotel rooms” and because “weather conditions” were “not suitable for tourism.”[6] Ironically, the only ones exempted from this ban were: “Soviet travellers coming home from shopping trips to Yugoslavia”(!)[7]

Thus, it is intriguing to see how former Securitate Colonel Filip Teodorescu tailors his characterization of Timisoara on 18 December to account for this change:

There were few foreigners in the hotels, the majority of them having fled the town after lunch [on 17 December] when the clashes began to break out. The interested parties remained. Our attention is drawn to the unjustifiably large number of Soviet tourists, be they by bus or car. Not all of them stayed in hotels. They either had left their buses, or stayed in their cars overnight. Border records indicate their points of entry as being through northern Transylvania. They all claimed they were in transit to Yugoslavia. The explanation was plausible, the Soviets being well-known for their shopping trips. Unfortunately, we did not have enough forces and the conditions did not allow us to monitor the activities of at least some of these “tourists.”[8]

[from Filip Teodorescu, Un Risc Asumat, 1992, p. 92]

image-68

This raises the question of why, if the Soviet tourists were the ones suspected from the first of being behind the unrest, it should have been exactly they who were given continued access into Romania? One of the most effective rejections of the “tourist” scenario came in 1991 from “a group of [Army] officers from the Timisoara garrison.” In an open letter, they proclaimed:

If they [the tourists] appeared suspect to the special forces of the Securitate and counter-military intelligence, why did they not attempt to keep them under surveillance? During this period, did the Securitate and the counter-intelligence officers not know how to do their jobs? Did they somehow forget why they were paid such weighty sums from the state budget?[9]

[Un Grup de Ofiteri din Garnizoana Timisoara, Romania Libera, 15 octombrie 1991
“4.  Existenta unui mare numar de turisti straini, care s-au deplasat (cu autoturisme) spre Timisoara si prin Timisoara.
Cine au fost acei turisti?  Turisti banuiti, si ei, de intentii destabalizatoare.
Daca fortelor speciale de securitate si contrainformatii militare li s-au parut suspecti, de ce nu s-au procedat la verificarea acestora?  Oare in acel rastimp, securistii si contrainformatorii nu mai stiau sa-si faca meseria?  Au uitat pentru ce erau platiti, din bugetul statului, cu bani grei?”]

As we mentioned earlier, in an interesting psychological twist the former Securitate sometimes appear to attribute their own actions to others, especially the convenient phantom-like “foreign tourists.” Some of the Securitate‘s arguments also appear to be based on the manipulation and perversion of real information which has been ripped from its context and placed in another one which suits the Securitate‘s institutional interests better. For example, the comments of the Yugoslav News Agency (TANJUG) correspondent at the Vatin border post on 20 December 1989 may give us a hint as to where the idea of “foreign tourists travelling in convoys of cars” originated from:

People who spent a long time at this crossing point today say that the Romanian government is even accompanying private cars of tourists returning home via Romania. They usually wait until five or six of them assemble and then let them continue in convoys led by official Romanian cars.[10]

[5].. See Mircea Bunea, Praf in Ochi. Procesul Celor 24-1-2. (Bucharest: Editura Scripta, 1994), 34.

[6].. Belgrade Domestic Service, 1400 GMT 20 December 1989, in FBIS-EEU-89-243, 20 December 1989.

[7].. Agence France Presse, 19 December 1989, in FBIS-EEU-89-242, 19 December 1989.

[8].. Filip Teodorescu, Un Risc Asumat: Timisoara decembrie 1989 (Bucharest: Editura Viitorul Romanesc, 1992), 92.

[9].. Un grup de ofiteri din garnizoana Timisoara, “FRICA DE PROPRIUL POPOR… [Fear of your own people]” Romania Libera, 15 October 1991, 2a.

[10].. Belgrade TANJUG, 2137 GMT 20 December 1989, in FBIS-EEU-89-244, 21 December 1989, 80. Disinformation is frequently thought of as synonymous with the “big lie,” but indeed the most effective disinformation always contains a kernel of truth. Frequently, real facts are merely presented out of context. It is also intriguing to note the almost Freudian mirror-imaging quality of this disinformation–a characteristic common to totalitarian regimes. This is especially the case when it comes to the accusations of foreign powers being engaged in “terrorist actions”–an eerily accurate description of the Ceausescu regime’s own actions.

—————————————-

In combination with the following declarations from late December 1989 and early 1990 by senior officials of the former Securitate, dispatched to find evidence of Nicolae Ceausescu’s (/General Iulian Vlad’s) theory of what was transpiring in Timisoara, but who found no evidence of such involvement, this should be a body blow to the revisionist “recovered memory” regarding “Russian/Soviet tourists” in the Timisoara uprising.

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2014/08/23/nicolae-ceausescus-paranoia-as-a-theory-for-explaining-december-1989/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/03/17/filip-teodorescu-adj-sef-dir-iii-contraspionaj-d-s-s-nu-sint-date-ca-ar-exista-instigatori-sau-conducatori-anume-veniti-din-strainatate/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/03/16/emil-macri-rezumind-sintetic-informatiile-obtinute-ele-nu-au-pus-in-evidenta-nici-lideri-si-nici-amestecul-vreunei-puteri-straine-in-producerea-evenimentelor-de-la-timisoara/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/03/10/liviu-dinulescu-cpt-la-serviciul-de-pasapoarte-al-jud-timis-precizez-ca-anterior-declansarii-evenimentelor-de-la-timisoara-din-datele-ce-le-detineam-serviciul-nostru-nu-rezulta-vreun-amestec-di/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/03/06/secretele-revolutiei-de-la-timisoara-col-niculae-mavru-fost-sef-al-sectiei-filaj-si-investigatie-de-la-securitatea-timis/

https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/ultimul-raport-al-securitatii-catre-nicolae-ceausescu/

 

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #1 The Securitate Deny Foreign Instigation of the Timisoara Uprising

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #2 Shattered Glass: Securitate Vandalism to Justify Timisoara Crackdown

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #3 “Anti-terrorism” and Regime Repression

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #4 Timisoara Demonstrators Injured and Killed by Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #5 Timisoara (Podul Decebal) Evidence Suggests only the Securitate Had Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revoluion: #6 The Securitate Sends a Coded-Message to Its Undercovers in the Field (“Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare,” Scinteia Tineretului, 18 December 1989)

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #7 Nicolae Ceausescu Leaves on a Less-than-spontaneous Trip to Iran (18 December 1989)

Posted in decembrie 1989, raport final | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 6 Comments »

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #7 Nicolae Ceausescu Leaves on a Less-than-spontaneous Trip to Iran (18 December 1989)

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 18, 2014

(Purely personal views as always, based on over two decades of research and publications inside and outside Romania)

2014 marks the 25th anniversary of the collapse of communism in central and eastern Europe–Poland, Hungary, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania.  This series looks at 25 things I have learned about the events of the Romanian Revolution of December 1989.  The numbering is not designed to assign importance, but rather–to the extent possible–to progress chronologically through those events.

Significance:  On Monday 18 December 1989, the morning after the bloodbath in Timisoara, Nicolae Ceausescu left on a state visit to Iran.  On the one hand, some observers have jumped to the conclusion that this was a spontaneous, last-ditch effort by the dictator to seek the moral support of a friendly regime for the crackdown and perhaps to ask for military reinforcements or materiel.  As it turns out, Nicolae Ceausescu did not go to Iran as the result of a snap decision.  Instead, high-level Securitate and regime personnel had gone ahead to prepare for Ceausescu’s arrival, as early as 9 December 1989 (a fact we have known since March 1990, see article from Expres below)–therefore, a full week prior to the outbreak of the uprising against Ceausescu’s regime in Timisoara.  It is possible that Ceausescu brought gold for his hosts with him on this trip.

http://www.ina.fr/video/CAG03010187

below a previously unposted article

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An excerpt from

A chapter from my Ph.D. Dissertation at Indiana University: Richard Andrew Hall, Rewriting the Revolution: Authoritarian Regime-State Relations and the Triumph of Securitate Revisionism in Post-Ceausescu Romania (defended 16 December 1996). This is the original chapter as it appeared then and thus has not been revised in any form.  (traducere in limba romana:  http://mariusmioc.wordpress.com/2009/01/05/rich-andrew-hall-rescrierea-istoriei-revolutiei-triumful-revizionismului-securist-in-romania-1-ceausescu-pleaca-in-iran/ si traducerea de catre marius mioc)

Ceausescu Departs for Iran

On Monday morning 18 December 1989, President Nicolae Ceausescu departed on a previously-scheduled state visit to Iran. He was the first head of state to pay an official visit to Tehran since the death of the Ayatollah Khomeini in June 1989.[1] By the time the presidential jet took off for Iran, Timisoara was under virtual military occupation by units of the Army, Securitate, and Militia. Ceausescu was apparently sufficiently satisfied by the news he was receiving on the status of the crackdown, that he judged it safe to leave the country. In his absence, the “Permanent Bureau of the Political Executive Committee (CPEx)” was left in charge. In effect, this meant that power resided with the First Deputy Prime Minister, his wife Elena–hardly a stranger to such power–and the Vice President of the country, Manea Manescu, who was married to Nicolae’s sister Maria.[2]

On the one hand, the fact that Ceausescu would leave the country in the midst of the most serious challenge ever to communist rule in Romania–fully aware of what had happened to his fellow communist leaders in the region earlier that fall–was a testament to how supremely overconfident and detached from reality he had become. On the other hand, Ceausescu’s absence from the country between 18 and 20 December for a period in excess of forty-eight hours provided regime elites with the perfect opportunity to oust him from power had they wanted to. Ceausescu would likely have been granted asylum by the Iranian regime. In theory it seems, had Ceausescu’s ouster been premeditated, this was the ideal moment to strike.

Most regime elites had a vivid memory of how Ceausescu’s absence from the country during the devastating earthquake of March 1977 had paralyzed the regime apparatus.[3] Moreover, having been threatened by Ceausescu at the emergency CPEx meeting of 17 December with removal from their posts and possible execution–and Ceausescu had been persuaded merely to defer, rather than to cancel this decision–Ceausescu’s commanders had a strong incentive to act fast. Instead, Ceausescu’s henchmen faithfully executed his orders and patiently awaited his return. This is a powerful argument against any suggestion that Ceausescu’s subordinates were scheming to replace him and had intentionally allowed the Timisoara unrest to elude their control.

Theories which maintain that Ceausescu was overthrown by a foreign-engineered coup d’etat also have trouble explaining why the plotters did not attempt to seize power during the period while Ceausescu was out of the country and then prevent him from returning to Romania. The Timisoara events had already assured that Ceausescu’s ouster would contain the popular dimension which was reputedly so central to this coup d’etat scenario. Furthermore, if the Timisoara protests had been instigated by foreign agents, why were these agents unable to “spread the revolution” to Bucharest (which remained surprisingly quiet) during these days?

In support of his contention that the December events were a Soviet-backed coup d’etat, Cornel Ivanciuc has cited the March 1994 comments of Igor Toporovski (director of the Moscow-based Institute for Russian and International Political Studies) which allege that the Soviet Politburo “…chose the moment when Ceausescu was in Teheran [to oust him] because otherwise the action would have been difficult to initiate.”[4] Yet the facts tell another story. Ceausescu was not driven from power at the most opportune moment–while he was in Iran–and the uprising in Timisoara did not spread outside of Timisoara until after Ceausescu’s return. These points cast doubt upon Toporovski’s claims.

[mai mult despre Ivanciuc…https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.wordpress.com/2010/12/17/timisoara-si-mostenitorii-revizionismul-securist/]

[1].. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, “Iran Embarrassed by Ceausescu Visit,” The Washington Post, 17 January 1990, E17.

[2].. Martyn Rady, Romania in Turmoil: A Contemporary History (New York: IB Tauris & Co Ltd., 1992), 94. For Manescu’s link to the Ceausescu family, see ibid., 52-53.

[3].. Indeed, the abortive military coup d’etat attempt planned for October 1984 while the Ceausescus were on a state visit to West Germany had been inspired by memories of the March 1977 experience. See Silviu Brucan, The Wasted Generation: Memories of the Romanian Journey from Capitalism to Socialism and Back (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), 131-134.

[4].. Cornel Ivanciuc, “Raporturile dintre Frontul Salvarii Nationale si KGB,” 22, no. 21 (24-30 May 1995), 11.

in relation to Ceausescu’s trip to Iran, from Orwellian…Positively Orwellian (2006) https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2010/10/03/%E2%80%9Corwellian%E2%80%A6positively-orwellian%E2%80%9D-prosecutor-voinea%E2%80%99s-campaign-to-sanitize-the-romanian-revolution-of-december-1989-part-seven-foreign-involvement/

[85] …In no.8 (23-30 March 1990) Expres p. 8, Cornel Nistorescu wrote in “Tot Felul,”

“Our compatriots tried and are trying to sell a lie:  that the USLA had no role in guarding the dictator.  Mr. General Stanculescu, we communicate publicly to you something you know:  that every time Ceausescu went out in Bucharest, in each convoy there was an USLA team.  And for Ceausescu’s visit to Iran on flight RO 247 of 9 December to Istanbul and on to Teheran were the following:  Mortoriu Aurel, Ardeleanu Gheorghe, Bucuci Mihai, Ivan Gelu, Grigore Corneliu, Floarea Nicolae, Rotar Ion and Grecu Florin.  These weren’t diplomats and they weren’t going for a snack.”

Revista “Expres,” nr. 8 23-29 martie 1990, p. 8.

for further details on UM 0666 Directia V-a of the Securitate and some of the personalities listed above and below (Mihai Bucuci et. al.) see

http://www.procesulcomunismului.com/marturii/fonduri/rev89/simionica/manuscris/

Atentie, in special, la USLA, Stetikin/Stecikin, si “seviciu 150 Directia V-a a Securitatii”…

http://www.procesulcomunismului.com/marturii/fonduri/rev89/simionica/manuscris/docs/cap2.htm

http://www.procesulcomunismului.com/marturii/fonduri/rev89/simionica/manuscris/docs/cap3_1.htm

http://www.procesulcomunismului.com/marturii/fonduri/rev89/simionica/manuscris/docs/cap3_4.htm

http://www.jurnalul.ro/campaniile-jurnalul/jurnalul-national/ultima-excursie-in-iran-a-lui-nicolae-ceausescu-527641.html (Vasile Surcel)

PLECAŢI CU MULT ÎNAINTE
Contrar majorităţii “excursiilor” externe ale lui Ceauşescu, cea din Iran a fost foarte scurtă: a început la 18 decembrie 1989 şi s-a încheiat la 20. “Antemergătorii” au pornit însă la drum pe rând, cu mult înainte. Securiştii şi angajaţii MAE au plecat cu avionul, în primul “val”, la 9 decembrie, iar specialiştii în comerţ exterior la 12. Au făcut escală la Istanbul, de unde au ajuns la Teheran, tot pe calea aerului. Doar traseul ziaristului de la Agerpres a fost mai complicat. Plecat la 13 decembrie, el a trecut mai întâi pe la Moscova, unde a fost găzduit peste noapte la Ambasada României. La Teheran a ajuns abia a doua zi, la 14. În declaraţia sa, Ivanici nu a pomenit despre ciudatul ocol făcut pe la Moscova, într-o perioadă extrem de delicată pentru regimul comunist. Este drept că nici anchetatorii nu s-au arătat prea curioşi în privinţa acelui episod, despre care nu l-au întrebat absolut nimic.

VIAŢA DE SECURIST
Mihai Bucuci, Ioan Rotar şi Nicolae Florea, trei dintre “antemergătorii” delegaţiei oficiale, erau ofiţeri superiori de Securitate. Incluse în dosarul “T-Iran”, declaraţiile lor sunt interesante chiar şi acum, după atâţia ani de la prăbuşirea regimului comunist. Din ele aflăm, în premieră, cu ce se ocupau securiştii care pregăteau detaliile “tehnice” ale vizitelor externe la nivel înalt. Mihai Bucuci era colonel la UM 0666, iar de la el aflăm: “În toate cazurile am făcut parte din grupele pregătitoare care plecau în avans faţă de delegaţiile oficiale. Aceste grupe erau conduse de cadre cu funcţii importante: miniştri adjuncţi, secretari de stat sau şefi de unităţi. Activitatea grupei se baza pe un mandat scris, compus din 8-10 puncte. Concret, erau avute în vedere stabilirea şi organizarea măsurilor de pază la aeroport, la sosire şi la plecare, traseele de deplasare, reşedinţa şi obiectivele din program, dar şi asigurarea securităţii membrilor delegaţiei când se depuneau coroane de flori ori la vizitele în fabrici, uzine şi muzee”. Bucuci a plecat la 9 decembrie 1989 şi a ajuns la Teheran la 11, după o escală de o zi la Istanbul. Timp de o săptămână a pus la punct, cu organele de specialitate iraniene, paza delegaţiei oficiale. Pentru a evita orice manifestări ostile la adresa lui Ceauşescu, securiştii români au predat organelor locale de poliţie şi de siguranţă liste cu persoanele “periculoase”, de origine română sau străină, aflate în Iran ori în ţările vecine, liste întocmite “de unităţile centrale de Securitate”. Încercând poate să convingă că nu era un apropiat al Ceauşeştilor, Bucuci s-a plâns procurorilor: “Deşi am lucrat mult timp în UM 0666, care asigura paza fostului dictator, nu am fost agreat în reşedinţe, în apartamente sau birouri. Sarcinile «de intimitate» erau rezervate cadrelor din Serviciul 1″. În acelaşi timp, Bucuci a încercat să-i convingă pe procurori că nici nu prea era mare lucru să fii în slujba directă a lui Ceauşescu: “Serviciul 1 de la UM 0666 Bucureşti, care a asigurat securitatea lui N.C. şi a soţiei sale, era compus din 20 de ofiţeri cu vârste între 25 şi 55 de ani, care lucrau în ture, 24 cu 24. Salariile nu erau mult mai mari decât ale celorlalţi militari”. El a ţinut să menţioneze special că acei ofiţeri “trebuiau să aibă o condiţie fizică foarte bună, dar şi să joace bine volei, sport foarte agreat de Ceauşescu”. Aproape că îţi vine să le plângi de milă.

COMUNICAŢII “LA LIBER”
Securiştii care pregăteau vizitele oficiale răspundeau şi de legăturile telefonice cu ţara. În Iran această sarcină i-a revenit maiorului DSS Nicolae Florea, de la UM0695, specialist în telecomunicaţii. A ajuns la Teheran la 11 decembrie şi în câteva zile a pus pe roate întregul sistem de comunicaţii cu ţara. Era vorba despre telefon şi telex, precum releul tele-foto pentru Agerpres. Principalul “beneficiar” al muncii lui a fost chiar Ceauşescu. Cei care au stat în preajma preşedintelui afirmă că acesta a vorbit foarte mult cu Elena, pe care, în anumite perioade, a sunat-o şi din jumătate în jumătate de oră. În mod ciudat, convorbirile lui telefonice, la fel ca şi restul legăturilor cu ţara, nu au fost secretizate, fapt menţionat clar de fostul maior DSS Florea. Anchetatorii din 1990 nu au fost însă curioşi să afle de ce şi cine a avut interesul să nu codifice convorbirile lui Ceauşescu, făcând astfel accesibile toate ordinele date de el de la distanţă în acele zile tulburi.

DE CINE SE TEMEA CEAUŞESCU?
Această ciudăţenie tehnică nu a fost singura. În decembrie 1989, Ion Tâlpeanu era locotenent colonel în Serviciul l în Direcţia a V-a a Securităţii şi aghiotant prezidenţial. El relatează că delegaţia propriu-zisă, cea condusă de Ceauşescu, a plecat în Iran la 18 decembrie la ora 9:05 şi a ajuns la Teheran la ora 12:00. Ciudăţenia de care vorbeam a constat într-o adevărată premieră: în spaţiul aerian naţional şi al apelor teritoriale din Marea Neagră, avionul prezidenţial a fost escortat de patru avioane de vânătoare MIG 21, aparţinând flotei aeriene române. Aceleaşi măsuri de siguranţă neobişnuite s-au luat şi la 20 decembrie ’89, când, în jurul orei 15:00, aeronava prezidenţială a revenit acasă. De ce s-o fi considerat Ceauşescu vulnerabil atât timp cât a zburat “pe cerul patriei”? Nu vom şti niciodată.

TOVARĂŞI DE DRUM
Planificată cu mult înainte, această ultimă vizită oficială s-a înscris în tiparul celorlalte. Încă sigur pe el şi pe poziţia lui politică, probabil că lui Ceauşescu nici nu i-a trecut prin cap că, la 18 decembrie 1989, când pleca la Teheran, intrase în ultima lui săptămână de viaţă. Şi că peste doar câteva zile regimul comunist din România, pe care îl condusese 24 de ani, avea să se prăbuşească. În dimineaţa plecării, Ceauşescu a vorbit la reşedinţa din Primăverii cu generalii Iulian Vlad, Vasile Milea şi cu ministrul Tudor Postelnicu, veniţi la el rând pe rând. La întâlnirile cu ei, părea calm şi foarte liniştit. La ducere, Ceauşescu a discutat, în avion, în compartimentul de lucru, cu membrii delegaţiei: Ion Stoian, fost ministru de Externe, Constantin Mitea, consilier prezidenţial pe probleme de presă, secretarul personal Mihai Hârjeu, precum şi generalii Neagoe şi Iosif Rus.

Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta reported in mid-January 1990–in article that referenced “Iranian and Romanian sources and intelligence sources,”–that “Ceausescu had become so enamored of Iran, according to Romanian sources, that in November he secretly deposited millions of dollars in gold for safekeeping in Iranian banks.”

Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, “Iran Embarrassed by Ceausescu Visit,” The Washington Post, 17 January 1990, E17. (syndicated copy above) WASHINGTON — Romanian despot Nicolae Ceausescu got some help last-minute help from a soul mate who is now embarrassed about coming to the aid of a loser.  Iranian President Hashemi Rafsanjani tried to prop up Ceausescu by sending Iranian security goons to Romania to protect him.  Ceausescu’s three-day visit to Iran while his troops massacred dissidents at home contributed to the foment that eventually overthrew him.  Rafsanjani’s embrace of the Romanian dictator on that trip has not helped his stock with the Western diplomatic community. Iranian and Romanian sources and intelligence sources now tell us what went on behind the scenes when Ceausescu was in Iran. He flew to Tehran on Dec 18 while his troops were brutally putting down a riot in the Romanian city of Timisoara. The day before, Ceausescu’s secret police had used tanks and machine guns to open fire on crowds of demonstrators. Hundreds of men women and children were murdered. The battle continued while Ceausescu was being welcomed by an elated Rafsanjani. In his first six months as president of Iran, no other head of state had bothered to visit. The two men openly conferred about trade issues. Romania has been a major trading partner with Iran, and their business amounted to about $1.8 billion last year.  Ceausescu had become so enamored of Iran, according to Romanian sources, that in November he secretly deposited millions of dollars in gold for safekeeping in Iranian banks. He mistrusted Western banks after seeing some of them freeze the ill-gotten gain of another opportunist Ferdinand Marcos. On the second day of his visit to Tehran, Ceausescu placed a wreath on the tomb of Ayatollah Khomeini. In doing so, he became the only head of state to kiss up to Khomeini after death.  In retrospect, it was a kiss of death back home.  That night, with word that the demonstrations were out of control in Romania, Ceausescu begged Rajsanjani for help.  Rafsanjani supplied some of his most loyal Iranian bodyguards to protect Ceausescu on his return.  The next day, Dec 20, a contingent of Iranian Pasdaran, the Revolutionary Guard, secretly flew to Bucharest. Two days later, when the Romanian army turned against Ceausescu’s security police. the despot knew it was over.  He and his wife Elena fled Bucharest but were captured by peasants. Meanwhile, Timisoara was still a battleground where eyewitnesses to the shooting claimed the forces were not all Romanians.  According to some witnesses, Iranians or Libyans were doing some of the shooting. Similar reports of Iranian and Libyan snipers came from the industrial city of Craiova. In a two-hour secret trial on Christmas Day, the Ceausescus were convicted of genocide of 60,000 Romanians and theft of more than billion. “You should have stayed in Iran where you had flown to, the prosecutor told them. “We do not stay abroad,” Elena Ceausescu said. “This is our home.” The two were executed by firing squad. Rafsanjani was fit to be tied. He was embarrassed about helping Ceausescu at the end because he feared it would jeopardize trade arrangements with the new Romanian government. Rafsanjani dismissed his ambassador to Romania for not telling him about the power of the anti-Ceausescu forces in time to spare Iran the humiliation of hosting a has-been.

Petre Dumitru (cu un ofiter din Directia V-a), “Noi amanunte privind vizita lui Ceausescu in Iran,” Expres Magazin, nr. 9 (1991), p. 11.

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Articles suggesting that Ceausescu had been sending gold to Switzerland for safekeeping, prior to the outbreak of the December 1989 events.

 

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Marian Dumitrescu, “Cum au fost transportate 40 tone aur in Elvetia,” Romania Libera (?), 30 ianuarie 1990, p. 3.

Dan Badea reported later in the summer of 1991 about Ceausescu’s efforts in the summer of 1989 to have the USLA move some of his gold to Switzerland.

Dan Badea, “Transporturi Masive de Aur in Elvetia,” Expres nr. 23 (72) 11-17 June 1991, p. 16.

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #1 The Securitate Deny Foreign Instigation of the Timisoara Uprising

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #2 Shattered Glass: Securitate Vandalism to Justify Timisoara Crackdown

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #3 “Anti-terrorism” and Regime Repression

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #4 Timisoara Demonstrators Injured and Killed by Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revolution: #5 Timisoara (Podul Decebal) Evidence Suggests only the Securitate Had Dum-Dum Bullets

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revoluion: #6 The Securitate Sends a Coded-Message to Its Undercovers in the Field (“Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare,” Scinteia Tineretului, 18 December 1989)

Posted in decembrie 1989, raport final | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 5 Comments »

25 for the 25th Anniversary of the Romanian Revoluion: #6 The Securitate Sends a Coded-Message to Its Undercovers in the Field (“Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare,” Scinteia Tineretului, 18 December 1989)

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 18, 2014

(Purely personal views as always, based on over two decades of research and publications inside and outside Romania)

2014 marks the 25th anniversary of the collapse of communism in central and eastern Europe–Poland, Hungary, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania.  This series looks at 25 things I have learned about the events of the Romanian Revolution of December 1989.  The numbering is not designed to assign importance, but rather–to the extent possible–to progress chronologically through those events.

Significance:   The morning after the bloodbath in Timisoara, a by-any-standard bizarre article entitled “Some [very specific] advice for those who find themselves at the ocean these days,” was published in the official central organ, Scinteia Tineretului.  From the beginning the explanation that this was a joke–who in the dead of December would be vacationing at the beach in these days?–as the claimed author of this article later maintained was implausible.  The morning after the Timisoara massacre, when the Ceausescu regime was across the board in a high-state of alert, when the regime was desperately attempting to cover up that anything was wrong, on that morning the author and the editors decided this would be a good time for a joke about summer vacations?  Highly unlikely, and downright suicidal under such circumstances.  Of somewhat greater plausibility is the suggestion that the article was either an effort to communicate to would-be protesters about how to carefully assemble, or that this was the coded message of some KGB/GRU mole to Russian agents in the country.  Neither of these stands up very well either.  Everybody knew then as now, but especially in those tense days, that the Securitate controlled what got published and it is hard to see either of these scenarios playing out.  Another more plausible scenario is that it was from the Romanian military, a DIA message.  However, given the relationship between DIA and the Securitate at that time–not good–it is hard to see that happening.  Moreover, what is most significant, and what would seem to confirm the most likely scenario that it was a Securitate coded-message to undercovers in the field in light of what had happened in Timisoara, is that we now know the Romanian military was trying to divine the meaning of the message during December 1989 and January 1990.  Most significant in this regard are the revelations/interpretations below by General Dan Ioan.

Photo from http://www.agentia.org/anchete/decriptarea-textului-din-scanteia-tineretului-321.html
“Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare,” Scinteia Tineretului, 18 decembrie 1989
Photo from “Decriptarea textului din Scanteia Tineretului,” Luni, 28 decembrie 2009 11:51 by Mihaela G.

http://www.agentia.org/anchete/decriptarea-textului-din-scanteia-tineretului-321.html

Aceasta este decriptarea trimisa CSAT in 2007 – Declansati, pe neasteptate, planul ”Soare”. Incepeti prudent, cu operatiuni scurte, de 10-15 minute, simultan in mai multe zone, pana la acoperirea intregii tari.2 – Nu depasiti obiectivele. Altfel sunteti in mare pericol si nu va va ajuta nimeni.3 – Bazati-va pe sprijinul trupelor speciale care au rol activ intre orele 5,30 si 7,30 in scopul recuperarii ranitilor.4 – Devastati librariile si distrugeti ”operele alese” (cartile lui Ceausescu – n.r.) pentru instigare si intimidare.5 – Pentru nehotarati: nu tradati scopul, daca va iubiti tara.

Securitate General Iulian Vlad’s Declaration of 29 January 1990 identifying the “terrorists”:  https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2013/11/20/when-a-truth-commission-misses-crucial-evidence-the-romanian-cpadcr-final-report-and-securitate-general-iulian-vlads-declaration/

“Acel articol a fost un cosmar pentru mine. In 22 decembrie au aparut fluturasi in Bucuresti cu “sfaturile ” din “Scinteia Tineretului “. Cine avea xeroxuri in acea vreme?”, se intreaba Sorin Preda. Am fost anchetat de Ministerul Apararii Nationale pentru ca generalul Militaru a considerat sau i s-a sugerat ca articolul meu era un semnal si pentru teroristi. Articolul il scrisesem cu patru zile inainte de aparitie si avea o introducere in care explicam caracterul lui umoristic. Nu stiu de ce acea introducere a disparut.”
 
…Buna ziua. Imi pare rau sa spun asta dar nu cred nici cat negru sub unghie ceea ce declara dl. Sorin Preda legat de articolul referitor la “sfaturile” pentru cei aflati pe litoral “la plaja” pe 18 Decembrie 1989. Este absurd. Ar fi prea multe coincidente. Eu detin ziarul respectiv in intregime. La vremea aceea eram ofiter activ in Brasov si vreau sa va spun ca dupa aparitia articolului, imediat dupa teleconferinta tinuta de Ceausescu in 17.12.1989, evenimentele au inceput sa se desfasoare intocmai cum era “ordonat” in “sfaturile” aparute in Scinteia Tineretului din 18.12.1989. Daca doriti sa va dau si decodificarea articolului o fac bucuros.Cu stima,Mircea
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Mircea Ferestrăuariu avea 25 de ani în decembrie 1989 şi era locotenent în cadrul Şcolii Militare de Ofiţeri Activi şi Artilerie Antiaeriană şi Radiolocaţii „Leontin Sălăjan” din Braşov. Îşi aminteşte clar cum s-a răspândit în unitatea militară zvonul că „e ceva” cu articolul din „Scînteia tineretului”, că ar fi un articol codat şi cum, după câteva zile, a apărut şi o decodare pe care mai toată lumea din unitate şi-o copia de pe o fiţuică.  Mircea Ferestrăuariu are şi-acum decodarea, într-o cutie cu documente din casă. „Nu ştiu cum a intrat în şcoală decodarea, cine a adus-o, de unde, dar ea părea veridică. Iar la sfârşitul decodării scria că ea fusese făcută de un maior şi de un căpitan, maiorul Ioan Ardelean şi căpitanul Ioan Hendre. Numele nu-mi erau cunoscute, nu erau din unitatea noastră.  Oricum, eu sunt absolut convins că articolul a fost un ordin codat către forţele de represiune care nu făceau parte din structurile militare. Cine se duce la mare în decembrie să facă plajă şi baie? E de neconceput ca la vremea respectivă să apară un astfel de articol şi nimeni să nu sesizeze că e ceva aberant”.

General Magistrat (r) Ioan Dan, Teroristii din ’89 (Lucman, 2012):

In luna ianuarie 1990 eram la Timisoara, cand un subaltern mi-a prezentat un articol intitulat “Cateva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare,” publicat in ziarul ‘Scanteia Tineretului’ din ziua de 18 decembrie 1989.  Articolul–la care, de asemenea, m-a referit–se compune din 5  fraze sub forma de strofe, pe care le reproduc:

image0-001

Cu toate incercarile de a fi convins de contrariu, am considerat si consider ca acest articol a constituit ordinul de lupta transmis structurilor acoperite ale Securitatii.  Spun “ordin”, deoarece cuvantul “sfaturi” este pus intre ghilimele.

image0

“Avem inca o declaratie, din atatea altele, care ne duce cu gandul la acel faimos articol din ziua de 18 decembrie 1989, publicat in “Scanteia Tineretului”, prin care se dadeau sfaturi la cei aflati in acele zile de decembrie la mare si faceau plaja, sa inceapa cu reprize scurte, de 10-15 minute, cand pe-o parte, cand pe alta.”

image0-001

p. 309 In aceaste ordine de idei…

Ion Costin Grigore, Cucuveaua cu pene rosii (1994, Editura Miracol)

 

Textul din Scateia Tineretului:”Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare”*Evitati expunerea intempestiva si prelungita la soare. E de preferat sa incepeti mai prudent, cu reprize scurte de 10-15 minute – cand pe-o parte, cand pe alta. Astfel, va veti asigura un bronzaj placut si uniform.* Nu va avantati prea mult in larg. Oricum, in caz de pericol, nu strigati. Este inutil. Sansele ca prin apropuiere sa se afle vreo persoana dispusa a va asculta sunt minime.* Profitati de binefacerile razelor ultraviolete. Dupa cum se stie, ele sunt mai active intre orele 5,30 si 7,30. Se recomanda cu precadere persoanelor mai debile.* Daca sunteti o fire sentimentala si agreati apusurile soarelui, librariile de pe litoral va ofera un larg sortiment de vederi cu acest subiect.* Si inca ceva – daca aceste <sfaturi> v-au pus pe ganduri si aveti deja anumite ezitari, gandindu-va sa renuntati in favoarea muntelui, inseamna ca nu iubiti in suficienta masura marea. (S.P.)”Aceasta este decriptarea trimisa CSAT in 20071 – Declansati, pe neasteptate, planul ”Soare”. Incepeti prudent, cu operatiuni scurte, de 10-15 minute, simultan in mai multe zone, pana la acoperirea intregii tari.2 – Nu depasiti obiectivele. Altfel sunteti in mare pericol si nu va va ajuta nimeni.3 – Bazati-va pe sprijinul trupelor speciale care au rol activ intre orele 5,30 si 7,30 in scopul recuperarii ranitilor.4 – Devastati librariile si distrugeti ”operele alese” (cartile lui Ceausescu – n.r.) pentrui instigare si intimidare.5 – Pentru nehotarati: nu tradati scopul, daca va iubiti tara.
—————————————
“Acel articol a fost un cosmar pentru mine. In 22 decembrie au aparut fluturasi in Bucuresti cu “sfaturile ” din “Scinteia Tineretului “. Cine avea xeroxuri in acea vreme?”, se intreaba Sorin Preda. Am fost anchetat de Ministerul Apararii Nationale pentru ca generalul Militaru a considerat sau i s-a sugerat ca articolul meu era un semnal si pentru teroristi. Articolul il scrisesem cu patru zile inainte de aparitie si avea o introducere in care explicam caracterul lui umoristic. Nu stiu de ce acea introducere a disparut.”
…Buna ziua. Imi pare rau sa spun asta dar nu cred nici cat negru sub unghie ceea ce declara dl. Sorin Preda legat de articolul referitor la “sfaturile” pentru cei aflati pe litoral “la plaja” pe 18 Decembrie 1989. Este absurd. Ar fi prea multe coincidente. Eu detin ziarul respectiv in intregime. La vremea aceea eram ofiter activ in Brasov si vreau sa va spun ca dupa aparitia articolului, imediat dupa teleconferinta tinuta de Ceausescu in 17.12.1989, evenimentele au inceput sa se desfasoare intocmai cum era “ordonat” in “sfaturile” aparute in Scinteia Tineretului din 18.12.1989. Daca doriti sa va dau si decodificarea articolului o fac bucuros.Cu stima,Mircea
——————————————————————————
Mircea Ferestrăuariu avea 25 de ani în decembrie 1989 şi era locotenent în cadrul Şcolii Militare de Ofiţeri Activi şi Artilerie Antiaeriană şi Radiolocaţii „Leontin Sălăjan” din Braşov. Îşi aminteşte clar cum s-a răspândit în unitatea militară zvonul că „e ceva” cu articolul din „Scînteia tineretului”, că ar fi un articol codat şi cum, după câteva zile, a apărut şi o decodare pe care mai toată lumea din unitate şi-o copia de pe o fiţuică.  Mircea Ferestrăuariu are şi-acum decodarea, într-o cutie cu documente din casă. „Nu ştiu cum a intrat în şcoală decodarea, cine a adus-o, de unde, dar ea părea veridică. Iar la sfârşitul decodării scria că ea fusese făcută de un maior şi de un căpitan, maiorul Ioan Ardelean şi căpitanul Ioan Hendre. Numele nu-mi erau cunoscute, nu erau din unitatea noastră.  Oricum, eu sunt absolut convins că articolul a fost un ordin codat către forţele de represiune care nu făceau parte din structurile militare. Cine se duce la mare în decembrie să facă plajă şi baie? E de neconceput ca la vremea respectivă să apară un astfel de articol şi nimeni să nu sesizeze că e ceva aberant”.
—————————————————————-
Photo from “Decriptarea textului din Scanteia Tineretului,” Luni, 28 decembrie 2009 11:51 by Mihaela G.
Photo from http://www.agentia.org/anchete/decriptarea-textului-din-scanteia-tineretului-321.html

Decriptarea textului din Scanteia Tineretului

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Sfaturi catre securisti in decembrie ’89Pe Ceausescu l-a doborat “o gluma” * In ziarul UTC, in plina iarna apare textul “Sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare” * La Timisoara era razboi civil, Armata tragea in populatie * Dupa 12 ani, un general din contraspionaj a trimis decriptarea textului la CSAT * Autorul sustine ca a scris un text umoristicIn data de 18 decembrie 1989, in timp ce in Timisoara era razboi civil, “Scanteia Tineretului” a publicat, in pagina 5, un text straniu, care nu avea nicio logica. Textul a facut valva la acea vreme, ca si in anii imediat urmatori Revolutiei. Erau sfaturi pentru cei ce se bronzau in acel moment, adica in mijlocul lunii decembrie, la mare. Textul a atras atentia imediat, in sensul ca semana cu un semnal incifrat pentru a se declansa ceva – dar pana azi contextul aparitiei sale nu a fost elucidat. A ramas ”o gluma”. In decembrie 2007, un general activ din contraspionajul romanesc a trimis decriptarea textului pentru a fi citita intr-o sedinta a Consiliului Suprem de Aparare a Tarii (CSAT). El era consilier in cadrul CSAT la acea vreme.
Textul din Scateia Tineretului:”Citeva sfaturi pentru cei aflati in aceste zile la mare”*Evitati expunerea intempestiva si prelungita la soare. E de preferat sa incepeti mai prudent, cu reprize scurte de 10-15 minute – cand pe-o parte, cand pe alta. Astfel, va veti asigura un bronzaj placut si uniform.* Nu va avantati prea mult in larg. Oricum, in caz de pericol, nu strigati. Este inutil. Sansele ca prin apropuiere sa se afle vreo persoana dispusa a va asculta sunt minime.* Profitati de binefacerile razelor ultraviolete. Dupa cum se stie, ele sunt mai active intre orele 5,30 si 7,30. Se recomanda cu precadere persoanelor mai debile.* Daca sunteti o fire sentimentala si agreati apusurile soarelui, librariile de pe litoral va ofera un larg sortiment de vederi cu acest subiect.* Si inca ceva – daca aceste <sfaturi> v-au pus pe ganduri si aveti deja anumite ezitari, gandindu-va sa renuntati in favoarea muntelui, inseamna ca nu iubiti in suficienta masura marea. (S.P.)”

Aceasta este decriptarea trimisa CSAT in 2007 – Declansati, pe neasteptate, planul ”Soare”. Incepeti prudent, cu operatiuni scurte, de 10-15 minute, simultan in mai multe zone, pana la acoperirea intregii tari.2 – Nu depasiti obiectivele. Altfel sunteti in mare pericol si nu va va ajuta nimeni.3 – Bazati-va pe sprijinul trupelor speciale care au rol activ intre orele 5,30 si 7,30 in scopul recuperarii ranitilor.4 – Devastati librariile si distrugeti ”operele alese” (cartile lui Ceausescu – n.r.) pentru instigare si intimidare.5 – Pentru nehotarati: nu tradati scopul, daca va iubiti tara.

Autorul spune ca a fost o glumaAutorul articolului, Sorin Preda, a declarat atat in fata anchetatorilor Ministerului Apararii cat si in presa, ca el a scris un text umoristic si atat. Adica cele cinci paragrafe, care au avut trimitere pe prima pagina, nu aveau nicio legatura cu Revolutia si a fost o simpla intamplare faptul ca au sunat atat de straniu in acele zile. Trebuie mentionat aici ca fisetul in care se pastrau manuscrisul si spaltul acestor ”sfaturi” a fost spart iar obiectele mai sus mentionate au disparut in timpul evenimentelor de dupa 22 decembrie 1989.Mihaela G.

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