The Archive of the Romanian Revolution of December 1989

A Catch-22 December 1989, Groundhog-Day Production. Presenting the Personal Research & Scholarship of Richard Andrew Hall, Ph.D.

Posts Tagged ‘Radu Ciobotea’

Fara indoiala…se intimpla ceva. Securitatea nu spune dar sugereaza. “Lasa sa-i scape” mici detalii.

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on August 15, 2014

(purely personal views–to suggest otherwise is to misrepresent me–based on two decades of prior research and publications, not for unauthorized reproduction, thank you)

“Without a doubt…something is going on.  The Securitate doesn’t say but it suggests.  It allows small details to leak out.”

In the seemingly endless discussions of the alleged role of large numbers of Soviet agents (using the cover of being tourists) in the December 1989 overthrow of Nicolae Ceausescu’s communist dictatorship, I am inevitably reminded of this July 1991 quote from Radu Ciobotea that I used in my 2005 article “The Romanian Revolution as Geopolitical Parlor Game.”

(For a recent example, 12 August, of the reappearance of such a claim see: http://cultural.bzi.ro/25-000-de-spioni-kgb-au-stapanit-romania-aproape-un-an-18070 )

from THE 1989 ROMANIAN REVOLUTION AS GEOPOLITICAL PARLOR GAME: BRANDSTATTER’S “CHECKMATE” DOCUMENTARY AND THE LATEST WAVE IN A SEA OF REVISIONISM, Part III (cleared in March 2005)

Reporting in July 1991 on the trial involving many of those involved in the Timisoara repression, Radu Ciobotea noted with what was probably an apt amount of skepticism and cynicism, what was telling in the confessions of those on trial:

Is the End of Amnesia Approaching?…

Without question, something is happening with this trial.  The Securitate doesn’t say, but it suggests.  It let’s small details ‘slip out.’…Increasingly worthy of interest are the reactions of those on trial….Traian Sima (the former head of the county’s Securitate) testifies happily that, finally, the Securitate has been accepted at the trial, after having been rejected by Justice.  Filip Teodorescu utters the magic word ‘diplomats’ and, suddenly, the witness discovers the key to the drawer with surpise and declares, after five hours of amnesia, that in Timisoara, there appeared in the days in question, foreign spies under the cover of being journalists and diplomats, that in a conversation intercepted by a mobile Securitate surveillance unit Tokes was reported as  ‘well,’ and that all these (and other) counterespionage actions that can’t be made public to the mass media can be revealed behind closed doors to the judge….[Timis County party boss] Radu Balan ‘remembers’ that on 18 December at midnight when he was heading toward IAEM, he passed a group of ten soviet cars stopped 100 meters from the county hospital. (It turns out that in this night, in the sight of the Soviets, the corpses were loaded!).” [emphasis in the original] (Flacara, no. 27, 1991, p. 9).

So what is the substance of the most recent popular iteration of the so-called “Soviet tourist” hypothesis as outlined in the 12 August article above?  It is actually from a 23 December 2012 article in the daily Libertatea under the bombastic headline, “25.000 de spioni KGB au stăpânit România aproape un an! Ceauşescu a fost detronat de o armată secretă sovietică, care a stat în ţara noastră în perioada decembrie 1989 – octombrie 1990” (http://www.libertatea.ro/detalii/articol/25-000-de-spioni-kgb-au-stapanit-romania-aproape-un-an-428106.html#ixzz3APp0Eq5v)

“La expunerea clară, concisă a lui Caraman (Mihai Caraman – n.r.), directorul Centralei de Informaţii Externe, am cerut sovieticilor să-şi retragă comandourile. Era vorba despre aproximativ 25.000 – 30.000 de oameni. S-au retras ca urmare a faptului că Gorbaciov modificase strategia şi spusese că URSS nu mai este jandarm în această zonă”. Declaraţia îi aparţine lui Petre Roman, fostul premier al României în perioada decembrie 1989 – septembrie 1991 şi a fost inclusă într-o carte a istoricului Alex Mihai Stoenescu.

In the same article, Larry L. Watt’s 2010 volume Fereşte-mă, Doamne, de prieteni (the English version entitled With Friends Like These) is invoked.  In the English version, Watts wrote on page 16, with a footnote on page 26:

“It is suggestive that more than 25,000 of the 37,000 “extra” Soviet tourists that deemed Romania a desirable place to visit or transit in the two weeks prior to its revolution in December 1989 chose not to leave until almost a year later, in October 1990, after the Romanian government formally insisted on their departure.90”

90. “Ceauşescu protested the sudden influx of Soviet ‘tourists’ to Moscow at the time, none of whom stayed in hotels. See e.g. Mircea Munteanu, New Evidence on the 1989 Crisis in Romania, e-Dossier no. 5, Washington D.C., Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, December 2001, pp. 3-11, CWIHP. The Romanian Senate’s investigation into the events of December 1989 disclosed the extraordinary jump in Soviet ‘tourists’ from 30,000 in 1988 to 67,000 in 1989 as recorded in customs and border statistics, as well as the unexplained delay in their departure. Mention of this glaring anomaly was qualified as unwarranted “conspiracy theory.” See e.g. Depostion of Petre Roman, Transcript no. 90/8.03.1994, Romanian Senate Archive, Bucharest, pp. 44-45. According to ex-Prime Minister Roman, 30,000 Russians ‘tourists’ remained in Romania for almost a year, until officially requested to leave in October 1990. Allegedly, Caraman’s Foreign Intelligence Service (SIE) informed Roman about them only at that time. However, since at least March, Romanian TV had broadcast news stories of the Russian encampments.”]

Marius Mioc reproduced the Romanian version of the passages as follows (Răstălmăcirile lui Larry Watts şi răstălmăcirile altora despre Larry Watts):

Cel mai important fragment din cartea lui Larry Watts care se referă la revoluţie îl găsim la pagina 55, şi este următorul:

Este sugestiv faptul că peste 25000 din cei 37000 de turişti sovietici care au considerat România locul preferat pentru vizite sau tranzit, în cele două săptămînă anterioare revoluţiei din decembrie 1989, au ales să nu mai plece timp de aproape un an, pînă în octombrie 1990, după ce guvernul român le-a cerut oficial şi insistent să părăsească ţara.

Aici se face trimitere la o notă de subsol în care se scrie:

Ceauşescu a protestat împotriva afluxului brusc de turişti de la Moscova, din care nici unul nu stătea la vreun hotel. Vezi Mircea Munteanu, New Evidence on the 1989 Crisis in Romania, e-Dossier nr. 5, Washington D.C., Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, decembrie 2001, pp. 3-11, CWIHP. Ancheta Senatului României asupra evenimentelor din 1989 menţionează un salt de la 30000 turişti sovietici în 1988 la 67000 în 1989, precum şi o întîrziere inexplicabilă în plecarea acestora. Vezi Depoziţia lui Petre Roman, transcript nr. 90/8.03.1994, Arhiva Senatului României, pp. 44-45. Conform prim-ministrului Petre Roman, 30000 de turişti ruşi au rămas în România peste un an, pînă cînd li s-a cerut oficial să plece, în octombrie 1990. Conform lui Roman, şeful SIE, Caraman, l-a informat numai la acea dată despre aceştia. Totuşi încă din martie televiziunea română relata despre taberele sovietice.

But, as it turns out, Watts’ claim is neither new, nor his own.  It indeed appears to belong to Alex Mihai Stoenescu.  Stoenescu wrote the following in a 2004 volume which I found online here, although unfortunately without the endnotes,  http://hot24.weebly.com/uploads/5/2/3/8/5238782/alex_mihai_stoenescu_-_istoria_loviturilor_de_stat_in_romania_vol_4-1.pdf)

...Asadar, coloanele de „turisti” sovietici se prezentau ca fiind în tranzit spre sau din Iugoslavia, dar nu fãceau tranzitul. Ei au rãmas pe teritoriul României în preajma marilor orase pentru a interveni în cazul esecului diversiunilor care trebuiau sã provoace cãderea lui Ceausescu. Au fost pur si simplu dati afarã din tarã abia în octombrie 1990 de cãtre priniul-ministru Petre Roman: „A mai fost un moment foarte delicat, în octombrie 1990, cînd în tarã se aflau 30 000 de rusi! Cu masinile lor! Eu, cînd am aflat de a-ceasta, în calitate de prim-ministru, de la organul competent, adicã S.I. Externe, am fãcut mare tãrãboi si, mã rog, pînã la urmã am reactionat, au fost scosi din tarã. A mai fost o miscare foarte ciudatã înainte de 19 martie 1990 la Tîrgu-Mures”395. într-o discutie particularã, Petre Roman i-a confirmat autorului cã identitatea acestor „turisti” ca luptãtori ai fortelor speciale sovietice fusese deplin documentatã de SIE. Ce fel de tranzit era acela în care 30 000 de turisti (probabil cã nu toti erau luptãtori ai fortelor speciale sovietice, dar ei ofereau acoperirea) rãmîn pe teritoriul unui stat, prin care se presupune cã trec în maximum 48 de ore, si rãmîn un an de zile! (pp. 189-190)

I have through some searching been able to find the sources for Stoenescu’s claim:  Arhiva Senatului României, Stenograma nr.90/8 martie 1994, Audiere Petre Roman, pp.44-45.
http://internationalfreemedia.wordpress.com/2013/01/14/relatiile-romano-americane-de-la-razboiul-absurd-la-fratia-in-nato/#_ftn7 .  The claim from Stoenescu’s 2004 volume appears to have made its way into the press beginning in 2006 in Evenimentul Zilei, ironically (?) on the eve of the presentation to parliament of the Report by the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania (CPADCR) on 18 December 2006, despite the fact that Evenimentul Zilei was/is supposedly the hub of opposition to communist and Securitate revisionism in Romania! (it must be, since Vladimir Tismaneanu, head of the CPADCR, published op-eds there at the time and still does!):  http://www.evz.ro/operatiunea-kgb-decembrie-1989-423201.html.

In other words, Watts’ claim is recycled and originates with Alex Mihai Stoenescu.  Watts likes to point out that because Petre Roman was a former Prime Minister and was testifying under oath to a parliamentary committee, and because Roman claims he received the information from the then head of foreign intelligence that this enhances the credibility of the claim (see his comment on the post Mostenirea Clandestina).  Marius Mioc’s observation thus seems appropriate in light of such an interpretation:

Ceilalţi – Comisia Senatorială “Decembrie 1989″, Alex Mihai Stoenescu, Larry Watts, Grigore Cartianu, Sorin Golea – nu fac decît să repete cele spuse de Petre Roman. Remarc că Comisia Senatorială “Decembrie 1989″ n-a făcut nici minima verificare de a-l contacta şi pe Mihai Caraman, pentru a vedea dacă acesta confirmă spusele lui Petre Roman. Despre căutarea unor documente în arhivele Guvernului României sau ale Ministerului Afacerilor Externe care să ateste cererea făcută către sovietici de a-şi retrage agenţii nici nu mai vorbesc.

(from Răstălmăcirile lui Larry Watts şi răstălmăcirile altora despre Larry Watts)

Moreover, what is the background of the people making such allegations or to whom such allegations are ascribed?  Mihai Caraman was a long-time member of the Securitate’s Foreign Intelligence organization, named the CIE in its latter days.  Thus, Petre Roman’s source for this information is a former high-ranking Securitate official.  As I have argued consistently and repeatedly for over two decades in publications, for the purposes of investigating December 1989 three questions are relevant when it comes to what former Securitate personnel argue:

1) Does what they argue absolve the Securitate as an institution of wrongdoing in December 1989–wrongdoing that can be proved as having been committed by Securitate personnel?

2) Is what they argue similar to what other former Securitate personnel argue and can therefore be interpreted as an institutional view?

3) What was their personal relationship with the Securitate:  did they work for the institution?  Were they informers or collaborators of the institution during the communist era?

For example, Mihai Caraman, the alleged source of former PM Petre Roman’s claim was a longtime member of the Securitate’s foreign intelligence organization, and his claim about the alleged presence and role of numerous Soviet agents in the overthrow has been enunciated by numerous other former Securitate personnel (whether internal or external) from 1990 onward, as this site has demonstrated on numerous occasions.

Likewise, Alex Mihai Stoenescu, who first drew attention to the 1994 Petre Roman statement, has been defintively declared by CNSAS as having collaborated with the Securitate in the 1980s (see http://activenews.ro/decizie-definitiva-iccj-istoricul-alex-mihai-stoenescu-colaborat-cu-fosta-securitate_1829506.html or http://www.avocatura.com/stire/10316/istoricul-alex-mihai-stoenescu-verdict-irevocabil-de-colaborator-al-securitatii.html)

Finally, it has to be stressed that, besides sounding absurd–even if we ignore Petre Roman’s supposed earlier clarification to Stoenescu, according to Stoenescu, that all 30,000 of these Soviet tourists were members of Soviet special forces and estimate “conservatively” that “only” 10 percent were actual Soviet agents, that still leaves 3,000 Soviet agents (an incredible devotion of man power) traversing Romania not in Romanian Dacias so as to not draw attention but instead supposedly in Ladas and Moskovici!!!–THERE IS NO RECORD OF A SINGLE “SOVIET TOURIST” HAVING BEEN ARRESTED UPON SUSPICION OF INVOLVEMENT, LET ALONE ARMED INVOLVEMENT, IN THE UPHEAVAL THAT OVERTURNED THE REGIME OF NICOLAE CEAUSESCU BEFORE OR AFTER 22 DECEMBER 1989!  (And specifically with regard to the beginnings of the uprising in Timisoara, Securitate officials themselves, in the immediate aftermath of the events, confessed that despite being tasked from Bucharest to supply evidence of alleged foreign tourist involvement in the demonstrations and riots against Nicolae Ceausescu and his regime, they were unable to do so! See 25 for 2014: 25 Things You Should Know about the Romanian Revolution on the 25th Anniversary of the Fall of Nicolae Ceausescu’s Communist Regime: #1 The Securitate Deny Foreign Instigation of the Timisoara Uprising)

This then is why as Radu Ciobotea wrote, “The Securitate doesn’t say but it suggests.  It allows small details to leak out.”–precisely because it has no tactical proof of Soviet tourist responsibility for the December 1989 events, its former personnel must appeal to broad, structural, and unverifiable claims, such as the overall number of Soviet tourists in 1989, to suggest that by the mere presence of so many Soviet tourists they must have been involved.

 

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Bullets, Lies, and Videotape: The Amazing, Disappearing Romanian Counter-Revolution of December 1989 (Part III: “Lost”…during Investigation) by Richard Andrew Hall

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on October 24, 2010

for Part I see PART I: His Name Was Ghircoias…Nicolae Ghircoias

for Part II see Part II: A Revolution, A Coup d\’etat, AND a Counter-Revolution

Bullets, Lies, and Videotape:

The Amazing, Disappearing Romanian Counter-Revolution of December 1989

by Richard Andrew Hall, Ph.D.

Standard Disclaimer:  All statements of fact, opinion, or analysis expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official positions or views of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) or any other U.S. Government agency.  Nothing in the contents should be construed as asserting or implying U.S. Government authentication of information or CIA endorsement of the author’s views.  This material has been reviewed by CIA to prevent the disclosure of classified information.

I am an intelligence analyst for the Central Intelligence Agency.  I have been a CIA analyst since 2000.  Prior to that time, I had no association with CIA outside of the application process.


“LOST”…DURING INVESTIGATION:  WHEN ABSENCE OF EVIDENCE IS NOT EVIDENCE OF ABSENCE.[1]

From early in 1990, those who participated in or were directly affected by the December 1989 events have attested to efforts to cover-up what happened.  Significantly, and enhancing the credibility of these accusations, those who claim such things come from diverse backgrounds, different cities, and from across the post-Ceausescu political spectrum.  Further enhancing their credibility, in many cases, they do not attempt to place these incidents into larger narratives about what happened in December 1989, but merely note it as a fact in relating their own personal experiences.

Let’s take the case of Simion Cherla, a participant in the December 1989 events in Timisoara.  Here is how Radu Ciobotea recounted Cherla’s story in May 1991:

Simion Cherlea also arrives, agitated.  He received a death threat, wrapped in a newspaper.  Next to it, in his mailbox, a bullet cartridge was also found.  To suggest to him that that is how he would end up if…

–If I talk.  Or if I have a copy of the file that I removed on 22 December 1989 from the office of the head of the county Securitate.  There was a map of the 8 Interior Ministry formations from Timisoara and “registry-journal of unique ordered operational activities.”  I gave them to Constantin Grecu (since transferred to the reserves), who gave them to Colonel Zeca and General Gheorghe Popescu.  These documents were of great use…in the Army’s fight against the terrorists.

–Do you know what the deal is with such formations?…When I looked at the map, my eyes glazed over.  Their formations were for entire zones where 10 to 12 nests of gunfire were programmed to shoot at a precise hour and minute!  Can you imagine!  And I, because I was trying to help in the fight against the terrorists, I turned it over to them!  So now I asked for it to be used at the trial.  In the registry everything was written:  who ordered, who executed the mission, the place, the hour, how long it last, the impact.  Great, all these documents are now said to have disappeared.  And I am threatened that I too will disappear like them.[2]

The discovery and then disappearances of such maps showing the placement and actions of Interior Ministry units—in particular, the Securitate—was recounted by others in the early 1990s.[3]

Nor, as we saw earlier from Dr. Nicolae Constantinescu’s testimony above, could one count on the military prosecutor’s office.  Jean Constantinescu [no apparent relation], who was shot in the CC building on 23 December 1989, stated the following in a declaration he gave just last year (as recounted by the investigative journalist Romulus Cristea):

I had two encounters with representatives from the prosecutor’s office.  The first prosecutor visited me at home, around two months after the events, he listened and noted my account, and as a conclusion, informally, he said something to me such as “we already know a good part of the shooters, they can be charged and pay civil damages, you can be part of the lawsuit and request appropriate damages.”  After hesitating, I added such a request, at the end of my written declaration, which I signed….

The second prosecutor, who later came to head the institution [the procuracy], invited me after several months to the office near Rosetti Square.  At the end of the conversation, he attempted to convince me that we shot amongst ourselves [ie there was no real enemy, no terrorists].[4]

The second prosecutor’s actions, according to Constantinescu’s recounting, are very familiar.  Already in mid-January 1990, participants in the gunfights of Brasov were telling the press that important evidence was missing and that the former Securitate were attempting to change the story of December 1989:

Florin Crisbasan:  Now the securisti are spreading their version:  “You guys shot into one another like a bunch of idiots.”…About 100 people were arrested as terrorists, but now they tell us they no longer have them…documents are missing, they don’t know how or what type:  a video cassette that I wished to access, with film from the events, can no longer be found….

Emil Ivascu:  If they tell us that “we shot among ourselves,” how the hell do you explain the ammunition with which they [the terrorists] fired? A bullet would rip your foot apart.  We saw for ourselves these type of arms.  Could just average civilians have been in possession of these?[5]

In May 1991, Gheorghe Balasa and Radu Minea described in detail for journalist Dan Badea the atypical ammunitions they found in the headquarters of the Securitate’s Vth Directorate (charged with Ceausescu’s personal security) building, including dum-dum bullets and special bullets (apparently vidia bullets).  They noted the civilians and soldiers who had witnessed this find, and mentioned that a certain Spiru Zeres had filmed the whole sequence, cassettes that were available for the military procuracy.[6]

Journalist and documentary-maker Maria Petrascu, who with her since deceased husband Marius, had for years investigated the Brasov events, also drew attention to the type of ammunition used in December 1989 when she recalled in 2007 that, “For a long time the Brasov Military Procuracy didn’t do anything, although they had evidence, statements, documents, photos and even the atypical bullets brought by the families of those killed or wounded.”[7] A soldier shot on 23 December 1989 in Buzau recently admitted that his doctors changed their declarations regarding the bullet with which he had been hit—identified by another soldier with whom he was interned as a ‘vidia’ bullet—to standard 7.62 mm ammunition.[8] In fall 2006, the daughter of a priest recalled:

In December ’89, after he arrived from Timisoara, my father stayed with me on Stefan Cel Mare Boulevard [in Bucharest].  We returned to our home, on the corner of Admiral Balescu and Rosenthal.  I found the cupboard of the dresser pure and simple riddled with bullets, about 8 to 10 of them. Someone who knew about such things told me they were vidia bullets. They were brought to a commission, but I don’t know what happened to them.[9]

This echoes something that Army Colonel Ion Stoleru was saying back in 1992:  that the “terrorists” had “weapons with silencers, with scopes, for shooting at night time (in ‘infrared’), bullets with a ‘vidia’ tip.  Really modern weapons,” to which he added, significantly, The civilian and military commissions haven’t followed through in investigating this…[10]

And yet, amazingly—despite all these testimonies regarding the existence and use of atypical munitions, or perhaps better put, precisely because of them—as of August 1991, Rasvan Popescu could report that “of the thousands of projectiles shot against the revolutionaries during  December 1989, the Prosecutor’s office has entered into the possession of…four bullets.  A ridiculous harvest.”[11]

[1] The origin of this phrase is apparently ascribed to the astronomer and scientist Carl Sagan, and only later became a favorite of former US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld.

[2] Radu Ciobotea, “Spitalul groazei nu are amintiri,” Flacara, nr. 19 (8 mai 1991), p. 4.

[3] See the sources listed in endnote 59, Hall 2006.

[4] http://romuluscristea.wordpress.com/2009/04/21/cautari-dupa-20-de-ani/#more-2603 It would be interesting to say the least to know who the second prosecutor was, although I have my suspicions as to who it could have been.

[5] Mircea Florin Sandru, “Brasov:  Intrebari care asteapta raspuns (II),” Tineretul Liber, 17 ianuarie 1990, p. 1, p. III-a).

[6] I discussed all of this in detail, including a partial English translation of the article, in Hall 2008.

[7] http://www.portalulrevolutiei.ro/forum/index.php?topic=1.msg214 Reply #131.

[8] http://1989.jurnalul.ro/stire-special/baiete-ai-avut-zile-526579.html.

[9] Christian Levant, “Dacă tata nu-l salva pe Tokes, dacă nu salva biserici, tot se întâmpla ceva,” Adevarul, 30 September 2006, online at http://www.adevarul.ro/articole/dac-x103-tata-nu-l-salva-pe-tokes-dac-x103-nu-salva-biserici-tot-se-nt-mpla-ceva/200090.

[10] Army Colonel Ion Stoleru with Mihai Galatanu, “Din Celebra Galerie a Teroristilor,” Expres, no. 151 (22-28 December 1992), p. 4, and “Am vazut trei morti suspecti cu fata intoarsa spre caldarim,” Flacara, no. 29 (22 July 1992), p. 7.  Cited in Hall, 2008.

[11] Rasvan Popescu, “Patru gloante dintr-o tragedie,” Expres, nr. 32 (81) 13-19 August 1991, p. 10 (?).

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Gloante speciale ( vidia / perforante / crestate ) depistate din zona C.C.-ului, 22-24 decembrie 1989

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 21, 2009

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Mircea Boaba, ce s-a gasit in dupa-amiaza 22 decembrie in Cabinetul 2 (“gloante incendiare, trasoare, perforante, explozive, numai din cele normale–nu,” Strict Secret, aprilie 1991) si Gheorghe Balasa despre “gloante speciale de 5-6 cm,” Expres, aprilie 1991)

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Si eu am fost in Ceceu
— Precum se stie, Arcadia este taramul de neatins al fericirii, un spatiu utopic, unde oamenii cred ca pot atinge cu mana cerurile, in care sufletele se satura din prea-plinul zeilor
Este poate si o stea menita sa-i atraga pe pamanteni, asemeni sirenelor pentru corabierii lui Ulise. Cine s-a incumetat sa-si imagineze ca a fost in Arcadia ramane pe veci prizonierul unei experiente unice, considerandu-se mai altfel decat multi dintre semenii sai… Si a fost ziua premergatoare Pe un colt al biroului, am pus: un cartus galbui de carabina, un capat de lumanare, doua gloante de plumb si vidia, o garoafa rosie, doua bucati de hartie, una scrisa de mana, cealalta, la o masina de calcul, trei ziare aparute in 22 si 23 decembrie 1989 si ilustrata luata de la Catedrala Sf. Iosif, cu chipul lui Ieremia Stoica Valahul (sec. XVI), patronul zilei de 25 decembrie. In plus, carnetul de reporter, insotitorul meu in toate acele zile de sfarsit de an, cu insemnari aproape ilizibile si transcrieri de mesaje aparute pe peretii unor cladiri din centrul Bucurestiului; din toate acestea s-a nascut un capitol dintr-o carte aparuta ulterior. De atunci, s-au tiparit sute de volume, mii de articole gazetaresti, au fost difuzate filme documentare si artistice, tinandu-se anual sesiuni stiintifice si dezbateri publice despre revolutia romana (revolta populara si/sau lovitura de stat), cu anume raspunsuri si multe semne de intrebare. Multi revolutionari (nu bisnitarii vanzatori si cumparatori de legitimatii, certificate si brevete!) s-au constituit in asociatii, organizand intruniri periodice si zonale si chiar un congres national incheiat recent, dupa 18 ani de la acele evenimente partial elucidate, cerandu-si drepturile consfintite de lege si dreptul de a afla adevarul despre cine a tras in noi, unde-s teroristii si, mai ales, de ce ne-a fost furata revolutia… Azi la pranz, vor fi iar depuneri de coroane, in fata fostului sediu al CC al PCR, caruia i se spunea, cu un firesc sentiment de teama, Ceceu, precum Securitatii, Secu. De multi ani se oficiaza acelasi ritual, cu scurte cuvantari ale oficialitatilor si reprezentantilor unor asociatii de revolutionari, dupa ceremonia de la Troita din piata Universitatii, zona unde au cazut primii eroi ai bucurestenilor, in dupa-amiaza si seara de 21 decembrie ’89.

Iulian VLAD (primul stanga), Ilie VERDET, si Vasile VALCU – guvern de 22 minute

Dimineata fusese acea mascarada de miting, cu mii de oameni adusi sa-l proslaveasca pe Ceausescu, in Piata Palatului, pentru ca el sa condamne, cu manie proletara, huliganii de la Timisoara. N-a apucat sa-si termine incriminarile si promisiunile, ca multimea a izbucnit in huiduieli, aruncand portretele si pancartele cu lozinci, fugind pe strazile apropiate, dar oprindu-se pe bulevardul Magheru, in apropierea Intercontinentalului. Acolo am vazut cum se decupa stema socialista din tricolor si am auzit primele scandari “Ieri in Timisoara, maine-n toata tara”, rostindu-se invective la adresa tiraniei, a comunismului. S-a creat o baricada spulberata de TAB-uri ucigase, s-au folosit tunuri cu apa si gaze lacrimogene si s-au efectuat masive arestari, chiar si din randul ranitilor. Intr-un tarziu, ne-am imprastiat, ramanand acolo doar cordoanele Armatei, Militiei si Securitatii, precum si trupele spalatorilor strazii, pentru ca nici o pata de sange sa nu mai aminteasca de masacru! “Haideti la Palat!” Locuiam in imediata apropiere a Universitatii si, cu pulovarul gros imbibat de apa, reusisem sa ma strecor pana acasa. Toata noaptea, Radio Europa Libera a transmis stiri si relatari despre cele petrecute la si dupa mitingul ceausist, insistand asupra felului in care bucurestenii au declansat inceputul sfarsitului dictaturii; se faceau referiri si la imanenta represiune, conform celor petrecute la Timisoara. Insa, dimineata de 22 avea sa ne elibereze de toate incertitudinile: cele trei tancuri din fata Ministerului Agriculturii, cu brazi infipti in tevile aducatoare de moarte si civili aducandu-le ostasilor sandvisuri, ceai si tigari, au disparut insotite de strigate de bucurie “Armata e cu noi!”; dinspre Piata Rosetti venea o coloana uriasa de muncitori, scandand “Nu va fie frica, Ceausescu pica!” si “Haideti la Palat!”…

Ana BLANDIANA, Romulus RUSAN si Alexandru ARSINEL, primii la Radio

Cladirea Ceceului imi apare ca un monstru de care nu aveai voie sa te apropii, acum inconjurata de o multime tacuta, in timp ce aparatorii cu caschete, scuturi si arme la vedere o parasesc, tot in tacere, imbarcandu-se in camioane. Raman pe loc doar soldatii nedormiti, dar calmi, primind flori si imbratisari, in vreme ce de pe Calea Victoriei se revarsa alte coloane cu mii de oameni. Un tanar imparte mici bucati de hartie; citind textul, am sentimentul ca mi-a oferit pasaportul pentru un taram necunoscut. Iata-l: “Acest criminal impreuna cu slugile care il inconjoara trebuie sa plece de la putere ASTAZI 22-12-1989. Demonstratiile trebuie sa aiba caracterul lor PASNIC, DAR HOTARAT. Frontul Unitatii si Democratiei Nationale. Jos CEAUSESCU! CETATENI AI BUCURESTIULUI: Asasinul Ceausescu a ordonat uciderea a sute, poate chiar mii de oameni nevinovati care nu doreau altceva decat LIBERTATE!”. Atunci, nu m-am intrebat cine a conceput textul, mai ales ca se raspandise vestea ca generalul Milea, ministrul Apararii, s-a sinucis, ca multimea canta “Desteapta-te, romane!”, ca pe cer aparusera doua elicoptere, unul imprastiind manifeste, celalalt asezandu-se pe acoperisul cladirii, de unde avea sa-si ia zborul cu Ceausesti cu tot, intr-un imens cor de huiduieli, urmat de scandarile “Ole, ole, Ceuasescu nu mai e!”, de parca toate stadioanele tarii s-ar fi aflat acolo. Ajunsesem pana sub balcon, cand usile masive de fier de la intrarea in sediu s-au deschis, navalind prin ele numerosi participanti. O dorinta irezistibila ma impingea sa patrund si eu in lacasul fericirii catorva socotiti nemuritori, de unde se proslavea bunastarea poporului si se hotara soarta unei natiuni ajunse la sapa de lemn, fara ca nimeni sa poata protesta. Privire din balcon Visul se putea implini, numai ca, la intrarea acum blocata, sunt legitimat, spunandu-mi-se sa astept, pana se mai strang si alti ziaristi! Mi s-a parut cel putin straniu, sa aud asa ceva, doar nu fusesem convocati la o sedinta de partid si trebuia sa intram cu grupul… Escaladez o fereastra de la coltul parterului si ma pomenesc la poalele imenselor scari de marmura, care duceau in teritoriul unde sirenele luasera chip de tineri in adidasi, soldati si ofiteri din diferite arme, fete la varsta liceului, barbati cu pardesie scumpe si sepci cafenii, soptindu-si “tovarasu’, nu putem iesi p-acolo”; un furnicar de oameni, unii dand de pereti usile birourilor si calcand peste portretele celor doi dictatori. Intreb unde-i balconul si mi se spune ca in dreapta, dupa ce treci prin cabinetul unu. Pana acolo, inregistrez trei apeluri: peste tot sunt dispozitive ucigase; nu distrugeti documentele aflate in sertare si dulapuri; blocati usile de la subsoluri, pe unde pot patrunde securistii din catacombe. Nimeresc in balconul-tribuna tocmai cand sub el ajunsese autocarul RTVR, stationat de dimineata in fata Bibliotecii Centrale Universitare, de unde se aruncau in sus tot felul de cabluri si microfoane, unul din ele prins de catre un barbat vanjos, imbracat modest, pe care-l vazusem si cu o zi inainte, pe baricada de la Inter, acum vorbind multimii, despre foame, frig si frica, indurate de acest popor, mai ales in ultimul deceniu. Rostirea ragusita si frazele stalcite sunt indelung ovationate, scandandu-se “Moarte Ceausestilor!”, “Armata e cu noi!” etc. Incet-incet, balconul devine neincapator. Ii recunosc pe actorii Mircea Diaconu si Ernest Maftei, care cantau alaturi de artista lirica Liliana Pagu “Desteapta-te, romane!” si “Multi ani traiasca!”, acompaniati de corul ad-hoc al miilor de manifestanti din piata. Ma imbratisez cu tanarul Ion Antonescu, organizator de turism, colaborator al revistei “Romania pitoreasca”; il vad apoi cocotat pe balustrada pe fotoreporterul Paul Agarici, mitraliind in toate directiile. Avea sa-mi spuna ulterior ca mai devreme fusese la Radio, unde-i surprinsese vorbind celor chemati sa apere institutia, pe Ana Blandiana, Romulus Rusan si Arsinel, promitand sa-mi aduca imagini si de acolo.

Primii sositi in balconul CC al PCR

La microfon se perinda alti vorbitori, printre care si un preot, rostind o emotionanta ruga, multumind lui Dumnezeu ca a dat puteri romanilor sa se elibereze de comunism si sa paseasca demn pe calea mantuirii; multimea ingenuncheaza si rosteste “Tatal nostru”! Seara cea mai lunga Revin in interiorul cladirii, tocmai cand un ofiter dirija transportarea si punerea sub paza a armamentului din depozitul de la subsol, in biblioteca de la etajul VI. Pustile si automatele treceau din mana in mana, intr-un lung sir indian, pana la lift. Inaintea mea, la primire, era adolescentul vazut mai devreme, mancand o banana cu coaja cu tot, scuipand si suduind de mama focului, cat e de rau acel fruct vazut doar in filme; primeste o arma prea putin cunoscuta si, inainte de a mi-o intinde, cere sa i se spuna cum se trage cu ea, plimbandu-si degetele pe metalul rece. Norocul nostru a fost ca ofiterul l-a auzit si a strigat la el sa nu se miste, deoarece este o piesa sofisticata straina, de ultimul tip, putand sa slobozeasca intregul incarcator intr-o secunda, doar prin atingerea acelui buton abia vizibil… Cu astfel de scene bizare, halucinante chiar, aveam sa ma mai intalnesc, incepand cu obisnuitele luari in posesie a continutului frigiderelor din toate birourile, pline cu salamuri de Sibiu, sunca de Praga, icre rosii, bauturi fine si prajituri, terminand cu potopul de impuscaturi de la sfarsitul zilei, cand se tragea in draci, pe toate coridoarele, scarile si etajele, in afara de o singura zona de la etajul II. Dar pana atunci, s-au petrecut alte evenimente majore. In timp ce priveam, la marele televizor din cabinetul 1 “revolutia in direct” si se incerca organizarea unui comitet provizoriu, pentru coordonarea actiunilor din CC, apar demnitarii comunisti Ilie Verdet si Vasile Valcu, insotiti de generalul Iulian Vlad, comandantul Securitatii. Recunosc ca au stat ascunsi in sediu, dupa sedinta de dimineata, dar acum vor sa salveze tara de tirania ceausista. Uluire totala. Fostul prim-ministru spune sa ne ducem intr-o sala de consiliu, unde sa organizam un fel de guverm, ca “Noi am demolat o putere – sa punem in loc alta, a ordinii”. Si pentru ca deruta si confuziile sa fie totale, isi face aparitia tovarasul Dascalescu, pretinzand sa se adreseze poporului, pentru a explica situatia de la Timisoara. Intre cei doi lideri se isca un dialog nu tocmai ortodox, intrerupt de cineva, care-i cere sa-si dea demisia din postul de prim-ministru. El accepta si-i condus in balcon, unde dupa ce-si spune numele, vorbele-i sunt acoperite de scandarile “Moarte tradatorilor!”, dupa care Verdet a cerut “comitetului” sa aduca aici “personalitatile din toate domeniile de activitate, in vederea constituirii unui guvern provizoriu”… Nu-l mai asculta nimeni si ne-am imprastiat care incotro, pana la anuntata sosire a lui Ion Iliescu, de la Televiziune. Totul durase 22 de minute. Cascadori, arme si foc Se inserase bine – era cea mai scurta zi a calendarului, solstitiul de iarna – cand in cabinetul plin de lume au aparut cascadorii lui Sergiu Nicolaescu, facand “partie” printre noi, urmati de faimosul regizor si actor, apoi un grup masiv de civili si militari, printre care Ana Blandiana, Ion Caramitru, Mircea Dinescu, Petre Roman, Dan Desliu si, bineinteles, Ion Iliescu, presedintele Frontului abia constituit. El anunta ca se retrage, pentru cateva momente, intr-un birou de alaturi, sa-si anunte familia ca a ajuns cu bine. Dupa aproape o jumatate de ora, a revenit, fixandu-si apoi comandamentul intr-un alt birou, unde n-au patruns decat putini militari si civili, cerberul fiind Voican Voiculescu, care mi-a pus automatul in piept. …Si s-a pornit potopul de bubuituri, vaiete si sange. Se trage din toate partile, de pe acoperisuri, de la ferestrele Palatului si ale Bibliotecii, multimea se retrage pentru cateva clipe, dar piata nu se goleste. Culcati la pamant si protejati, oarecum, de intuneric, oamenii striga “Murim, dar nu plecam de aici!”. Incep sa raspunda soldatii, cu arme automate si lovituri de tun de pe tancuri. In sediu, valmaseala e aproape totala, mai ales ca pentru cateva secunde s-au stins luminile. Ostasii iau pozitie de lupta si striga mereu “fara panica”. Printre impuscaturi si tipete de ajutor, auzim pentru prima oara cuvintele teroristi si terorism. Printr-o fereastra vad flacarile ce-au cuprins cladirile din jurul pietei. Reusesc sa ma strecor prin alt corp al Ceceului, dupa zece ore petrecute in acel taram unde se hotara destinul tarii. Trecuse de miezul noptii, cand am ajuns la Radio; dupa alte peripetii, ca si acolo, la etajele superioare se auzeau impuscaturi, reisesc sa intru in studioul de emisie. Fostii mei colegi imi permit sa intru “in direct”; anunt ce se intampla in Piata Palatului si imprejurimi, lansand un apel de urgenta sa fie trimise mai multe formatiuni de pompieri, pentru a stavili incendiile… Asa am incheiat ziua de 22 decembrie ’89, nascuta din sacrificiul Timisoarei, urmata de inca multe alte evnimente, care aveau sa schimbe fata unei tari ce-si dorea emanciparea, reintegrandu-se Europei, lumii libere. Atunci, in preajma Sfantului Craciun, am crezut ca se pot atinge cu mana cerurile.

Pagina realizata de Valentin HOSSU-LONGIN, Ziua, 22 decembrie 2007

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Teroristii au tras. Unde sint teroristii? (Caransebes, decembrie ’89)

Posted by romanianrevolutionofdecember1989 on December 8, 2009

from Orwellian Positively Orwellian Part III a fistful of bullets

Caransebes: Furthermore, there is evidence that the use of “vidia” tip bullets was not exclusive to Bucharest.  Asked in February 1990 what he had experienced in December 1989 while participating in the defense of the airport of the southwestern town of Caransebes, Army Captain Mircea Apostol responded:

No, we only found blood stains and that was it.  We didn’t even find shell casings, because these melted away after firing.  It sounds incredible.  It was a real battle.  From our ranks, there were a few victims shot precisely in vital organs by bullets with a “vidia” tip, which were not in the arsenal of our Army, but we don’t know against whom we fought.  A fact which the enemy now uses. [emphases added][47]


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